The coronavirus crisis has appeared like some vast, cruel sociological experiment. It has confined people to their homes, radically disturbed their taken-for-granted knowledge and beliefs, and forced them to alter behaviors once casually, even unthinkingly, employed in their everyday personal, working, and social lives. What has been learned? How might this experience stimulate a reimagining of the curriculum? More fundamentally, how might it lead to the development of a knowledgeable, intelligent, effective public, able to engage freely and equally in decision-making at all levels of social, cultural, political, and economic life, as a condition for personal freedom? This article explores the implications of “lockdown” or “confinement” to homes, which has suspended freedom of movement, limited the freedom to associate with others, and established rituals of hygiene regarding surfaces. These experiences of physical confinement and limitation of ordinary freedoms raise the central question of how to return to “normal” and, indeed, what will count as normal. In exploring the issues posed by these questions, this article offers an approach to pedagogical and curriculum practice that seeks to embed democratic practice at all levels of organization and interaction between individuals.
During the past five decades occupational researchers have documented that bus drivers’ health is worse than in almost any other profession. The authors suggest that the reason there has not been any successful attempt to change this situation is because the focus until now on removing statistically associated external risk factors has been too narrow. The article describes a project whose purpose was to improve the health and well‐being of 3500 Copenhagen bus drivers. At the end, more than 200 interventions were implemented. The authors adopted a new approach of combining epidemiological results and qualitative methodologies, creating a broader explanatory foundation for action, linked by repetitive processes of critical reflection, which was central to defining problems, explaining causes, developing sufficiently effective interventions and measuring effects. The project revealed the importance of several new and potentially preventable factors involving such issues as lifestyle, private stressors and inappropriate management. During the project period an evaluative framework was developed to explore and measure the complex effects of multiple interventions. Three years after the interventions were launched, follow‐ups revealed remarkable improvements such as reductions in stress and body pains, an increase in satisfaction, and improvements in management and the drivers’ cabin. This article is the story of a methodological journey, from classical epidemiology to an approach combining the strengths of survey (broad coverage), qualitative methods (in‐depth focus) followed by critical reflections and ending with action research. 相似文献
The paper explores pedagogies of surveillance and counter pedagogies of radical democracy and co-operative practice and their implications for continuing professional development (CPD). Teachers have had to respond to an increasing naturalisation of surveillance in schools. However, this naturalisation can be countered by drawing upon the emergent development of the co-operative education movement in the UK. I argue that critical to developing effective pedagogies of radical democracy and co-operation is the formation of a “public space” of discussion and debate about courses of action. This will be illustrated through research drawn from a co-operative school and its use of information technologies. Although the intentions are to improve standards of learning, the hidden curriculum implicit in the use of the technologies can lead to “supersurveillance.” Teachers, I argue, have a critical role in the deconstruction of the naturalisation of supersurveillance and both pre-service and CPD urgently need to address this. 相似文献
ABSTRACTThe radical inclusion of the different interests and powers of all is fundamental to social equality. Moreover, both democracy and the associated practices of cooperation depend upon an equality of different voices if they are not to fall into forms of authoritarianism. Cooperation involves the free association of individuals who aggregate their individual powers to complete projects they could not accomplish alone. Those mutual dependencies require equality of participation and reward if co-operation is not to become hierarchical line management where the powers and participation of some are more greatly rewarded than those of others. And if education is employed to privilege the development of the powers and interests of some over others, it becomes reduced to a form of engineering to fit the interests of the powerful. Thus, I argue that discourses of equality and radical inclusion are co-extensive with democracy, co-operation and education. 相似文献