犯罪学与刑事法制改革:以英国为例

过去30年英国的犯罪学发展具有两个明显特征:一个是"犯罪学"在多个维度的"膨胀";另一个是犯罪学"自治性"的增强。犯罪学在向自治学科转变的过程中既具有许多有益的方面,也存在诸多风险。它可能会丧失与其他学科之间的联系,也越来越容易受到外部环境的影响与制约,因而有必要对其存在的问题及其潜在的后果保持警觉。犯罪学知识的用途,在于为决策的制定提供科学依据。对犯罪学进行准确定位有两个核心要求:一是要承诺把犯罪学变成一个内涵广阔的学术概念,即将犯罪学的多元主义看作一个优势;二是要让犯罪学研究与实践保持长久的、基本的联系,将犯罪学知识渗入公众关注的犯罪和法制事件中,对"制度性环境"作出一个比现在更令人信服的解释。     

论犯罪学的恐怖犯罪概念

“恐怖主义”、“暴力恐怖犯罪”等概念不应是犯罪学研究的概念范畴 ,“恐怖犯罪”概念才能更准确地体现犯罪学的学科特点。在这个概念体系下 ,恐怖犯罪的内涵既不同于恐怖主义 ,也不同于刑法上的恐怖活动 ;它与一般暴力犯罪的区别在于犯罪目标的不确定性和制造出了恐怖心理或恐怖气氛 ;恐怖犯罪的目的可以是多元化的 ,政治性不是恐怖犯罪的本质特征 ;恐怖犯罪既可以是集团、组织、团体实施的 ,也可以是个人实施的。     

犯罪学本土发展的历史考察

从世界各国犯罪学以及中国犯罪学的本土发展情况进行历史考察，犯罪学本土发展的所呈现的总体规律性为：犯罪学与各国或地区的犯罪态势、犯罪治理的社会需要等方面有着密切的关系，从一定的意义上讲，现实的需求直接推动着各国或地区的犯罪学的本土发展；与其社会思潮、亲缘关系学科的发达程度甚至其学术传统有密切的关系；与犯罪学的专业化程度、学科的独立价值等方面有着很大的关联性。     

远离辉煌的繁荣:青少年犯罪研究30年

回顾我国青少年犯罪研究30年的历程可以发现,青少年犯罪研究不仅仅推动了青少年犯罪学与犯罪学的产生,还在推动国家和社会公众重视解决青少年犯罪问题、促成矫正主义青少年犯罪观的形成、促进青少年犯罪刑事政策的形成与完善,以及推动未成年人专门立法的诞生、少年司法制度的建立等方面均发挥了重要的作用.与此同时,30年来的青少年犯罪研究也存在着学科独立性的缺失、研究对象界定的悖论、实证研究方法的缺失、青少年犯罪研究专业槽的缺失、青少年犯罪研究各学科之间的隔阂与分裂等严重不足.     

晚近我国犯罪学的新发展

我国犯罪学自上世纪70年代末80年代初形成以来,取得了丰硕的成果。尤其是近几年,我国犯罪学界针对犯罪学的学科性质与地位、犯罪学研究的对象与方法、犯罪学的实践运用等重大课题进行了深入的研究与探讨,取得了突破性的进展,为我国犯罪学的发展奠定了坚实的基础,为进一步研究和应用犯罪学指明了方向。     

刑法学与犯罪学犯罪概念的碰撞与交融

研究和把握犯罪的概念,是刑法学和犯罪学共同的中心课题之一。刑法学与犯罪学的犯罪概念应是部分竞合的关系,二者之间有碰撞、有交融。     

Forensic psychiatry and the birth of the criminal insane asylum in modern Italy

This paper focuses on the creation of the criminal insane asylum in Italy between unification in 1861 and World War I. The establishment of criminal insane asylums was a triumph of the positivist criminology of Cesare Lombroso, who advocated for an institution to intern insane criminals in his classic work, Criminal Man (1876). As a context for the analysis of the birth of the criminal insane asylum in Italy, this essay also outlines the history of the insanity plea in Italian criminal law and the young discipline of psychiatry during the fifty years after Italian unification.     

Revisionist history,visionary criminology,and needs-based justice

Although there may be some value in debating the question of whatever happened to radical criminology, I believe that it is more productive to think in terms of radical and/or critical continuities in pedagogy, research, and practice that have survived time and can be linked to current efforts in visionary criminology and transformative justice. Examining changes in the study of crime and justice from such a perspective, it can be argued that the antiestablishment criminologies of the year 2003 are not any more marginal, and in fact may be less marginal today than when radical criminology first burst onto the scene in the early 1970s.     

Seeing War as Criminal: Peace Activist Views and Critical Criminology

A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words.     

Qualification and Disqualification in Rape Cases

Between 1946 and 1950, the police in Stockholm interrogated almost 150 men about their involvement in alleged rapes and attempted rapes. The results of these investigations eventually led to seventeen prosecutions and eleven convictions. It was not easy to convict someone of rape. However, a consequence of the way the court operated was also that only certain men could be convicted, only certain women regarded as reliable witness, and only certain kinds of attack regarded as plausible. The question of whether the alleged crime was considered possible to prove was dependent upon who reported whom for what. For the complainants it was a matter of qualifying for inclusion within the protection of the law. But what appeared as a rejection of someone's credibility, was in actual fact a result of a prior rejection of the individual's person and character. From the point of view of the legal system, some individuals were more fitted than others for the role of credible victim or likely offender. The sexually immoral woman and the man at the mercy of his sexuality were both in danger of having their credibility questioned: the former a poor victim and the latter all too suitable an offender.