台湾基层选举中的"黑金政治"

"黑金政治"是"台湾式民主"发展过程中的痼疾。国民党时间纵容"黑金政治",把政权丢了。民进党以"反黑金"面貌上台,但在短期内又同"黑金"扯上关系。     

海峡两岸关系的沧桑变化--纪念江泽民"八项主张"发表十周年

江泽民"八项主张"是实现祖国统一的纲领性文件。近年来,"台独"分子的分裂活动日益猖獗,两岸关系趋于紧张。为了加大反"台独"力度祖国采取了一系列措施,把反"台独"的分裂活动提高到国家核心利益的高度,制定并审议《反分裂国家法》等等。     

市场规则体系下的"无直接利益冲突"问题初探

"无直接利益冲突"是我国近年来频发的一种特殊的社会冲突样式."无直接利益冲突"的结构性根源是在市场规则形成过程中的种种不公正和利益矛盾的积累以及目前在资源分配领域起主要作用的市场规则和扶持法则没能有效容纳社会转型中分化出的各种阶层和社会生活的所有领域,这两者相互作用共同从根源上导致了各种矛盾和冲突得不到有序的化解.要从根本上消解"无直接利益冲突"隐患,就需要在改善社会支持体系的基础上实现市场规则和扶持法则的有效衔接.     

北宋"正统""夷夏" "中国"诸观念问题新探 ——以士大夫言论为中心

"正统""夷夏"和"中国"诸观念,是极具中国传统文化内涵的思想观念.对北宋时期这些相关观念问题,学术界仍存在严重分歧:一种看法认为它们总体上仍遵循前代传统,并未产生质的变化;另一种看法认为它们格外强调民族区隔,实际上产生了新的类似于近世民族主义的思想因子.用历史和逻辑的方法,通过大量史料可以证明:北宋时期由于当时政治情势的特殊性,虽有一些相应的与时代相关的特殊内容,但是,其在总体思想倾向上并未发生实质性的变化,而是一直延续着古代中国的基本思想文化传统,故其不能被论断为"近世中国民族意识的远源".     

同时性与"你"——论伽达默尔理解问题中的空·间性视角

对时间与空间概念的阐发是海德格尔哲学一个重要方面,伽达默尔对时间与空间概念的阐发也建立在海德格尔提供的基础之上.但是,伽达默尔之所以将时间概念表述为同时性、空间概念表述为"你",表明在将时间与空间概念的阐发落实于实际的发生与生成过程之时,其视角发生了转换.与海德格尔的时·间性的视角不同,伽达默尔采用了"空·间性"视角.因而,当这一实际的生成过程得以落实之时,"空·间性"视角不仅使时间与空间概念获得了自身的内涵,也使对存在之领会展示为现实性的过程,由此,存在论走向了解释学.     

关于"丁卯胡乱"与清鲜初期交涉的几个问题

1627年,后金汗皇太极以征讨盘踞皮岛之明将毛文龙为名,发动了对朝鲜的战争,史称"丁卯胡乱".丁卯之役迫使朝鲜在江都和平壤盟誓,与后金结成"兄弟之邦".这两个盟约与丙子之役(1936年)时强迫朝鲜国王奉表称臣,性质具有根本的不同.至于岁币,实际上是作为兄弟之邦的朝鲜向后金赠送礼物而已.因此,丁卯胡乱所导致的结果,并未形成所谓的金鲜之间的朝贡关系,而只是后金在政治上取得了与朝鲜平等的"兄弟之邦"之地位,经济上达到了迫使朝鲜献纳礼币及其开市通商的目的,从而有助于解决后金国内经济困乏与其势力急剧扩张的矛盾.     

"留守子女"教育问题的分析与思考--来自深圳"姚圩街"农民工子女教育状况的调查报告

农民工子女的教育问题正日益引起社会的关注,但是,人们关注的更多是那些进城的农村儿童、少年;其实,农民工子女中,还有相当一部分被留守在了家里,即所谓的“留守子女”。为了更清楚地了解当前“留守子女”的教育状况,本文对深圳“姚圩街”农民工子女教育状况做了调查,并根据这些调查资料,试着对农村地区“留守子女”教育问题做了一些探讨,以引起社会更多的关注。     

交通事故中"无名氏" 死亡赔偿金问题反思

社会各界对无法查明身份的"无名氏"赔偿纠纷案件的处理结果存在较大分歧。在"无名氏"死亡赔偿金案件中,存在司法解释"立法化"、死亡赔偿金性质不清、诉讼制度不健全等问题,对"无名氏"死亡赔偿金制度涉及的车辆保险功能与价值的实现、认罪认罚从宽制度的发挥、生命权的平等保护等形成现实阻碍。基于司法实践及法理分析,重新建构交通事故中"无名氏"死亡赔偿金制度,切实保护案件各方的合法权益。     

"SPOC+翻转课堂"教学模式在《矿物材料加工》教学中的问题及对策探讨

网络信息化技术的不断发展,极大地促进了混合式教学模式在高校教育教学中的发展.该文提出在高校《矿物材料加工》这门课的教学过程中,融入"SPOC+翻转课堂"混合式教学模式,并阐述了该教学模式的优势,对实施过程中存在的问题和不足进行系统分析,在此基础上提出相应的对策,包括引导学生积极参与、提高教师的业务素质、以及完善评价体系三个方面.希望能够推动"SPOC+翻转课堂"混合教学模式在《矿物材料加工》课程中的发展.     

Moral Values, Moralism, and the 2004 Presidential Election

The "moral values vote" in the 2004 American presidential election should be interpreted more broadly than as a reflection of concerns about same-sex marriage and abortion. Instead of specific hot-button social policy issues, a general personality trait of moralism—the tendency to perceive a moral dimension in everyday decisions—may have contributed to the election outcome. Specifically, we hypothesize that some Bush supporters shared Bush's high level of moralism (as reflected in his rhetoric) and that this moralism motivated their votes. Consistent with our hypothesis, a preliminary empirical investigation suggests that Bush voters were, indeed, higher in moralism than were Kerry voters. Plans for further research and political strategy implications are discussed.     

The Social Psychology of the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election

The 2004 U.S. presidential election was determined not by simple demographics and the power of incumbency, but by emotions such as fear and shame, aspects of the self-concept such as moralism and religiosity, and other psychological phenomena ranging from the self-deception of voters to the linguistic styles of the candidates. In introducing the papers in this special issue of ASAP on the social psychology of the election, I examine the effect sizes for psychological constructs such as religiosity, moralism, and terror. I suggest that pride and shame are likely determinants of the widely reported exit poll discrepancies, and argue that outgroup homogeneity was critical in determining the outcome of the election.     

The Limits of Demographic Categories and the Politics of the 2004 Presidential Election

This study looked at responses to the Iraq War in a nationwide sample of college students. The study focused mainly on the role of sex, religiosity, and the location of the school in a "red" or "blue" state. It also looked at a number of other psychological variables, including some related to cognitive competence. Support for the war was measured by an instrument comprising two independent factors—"patriotic militancy" and "internationalism." As expected, support for the war in Iraq was significantly higher among students who considered themselves religiously involved than among students who rated themselves as more secular. Predicted sex differences in attitudes about the war were not found. However, several measures of cognitive competence including grade point average were significantly associated with less favorable attitudes toward the war. As expected from the election results later that year, students from "red" states were more supportive of the war than students from "blue" states. However, these effects appear to be due to a confound between religious affiliation and religiosity. The results are explained in terms of political rhetoric that focused on religious values as well as on the reduced importance of feminism as an ideological stance. They are discussed in terms of the need for a more social psychological analysis of political attitudes and behaviors that takes into account contextual factors and the transformation of demographic categories into meaningful psychological variables.     

Lies in a Time of Threat: Betrayal Blindness and the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election

Exit polls from the 2004 U.S. presidential election indicated overwhelming support for President Bush among voters who said they valued honesty, even though the Bush administration had been sharply criticized for deceiving the public, especially concerning the reasons for invading Iraq. A psychological theory recently developed to help explain memory loss in trauma survivors sheds light on this paradox. Betrayal Trauma Theory ( Freyd, 1996 ) states that memory impairment is greatest when a victim is dependent on the perpetrator. The theory also predicts who will be "blind" to signs of deception—those who are emotionally or financially dependent on the person who is lying. Although every American is dependent on the U.S. President to some extent, religious conservatives may be more psychologically dependent than others. Because they believe their core values are under attack, they depend on powerful leaders such as President Bush to defend these values. This psychological dependence may make it difficult for them to notice the administration's deceptions.     

How Does Separability Affect The Desirability Of Referendum Election Outcomes?

Recent research has shown that in referendum elections, the presence of interdependence within voter preferences can lead to election outcomes that are undesirable and even paradoxical. However, most of the examples leading to these undesirable outcomes involve contrived voting situations that would be unlikely to occur in actual elections. In this paper, we use computer simulations to investigate the desirability of referendum election outcomes. We show that highly undesirable election outcomes occur not only in contrived examples, but also in randomly generated elections. Our data suggest that the presence of interdependent preferences significantly increases the likelihood of such undesirable outcomes, and that certain alternative voting methods, such as sequential voting and setwise aggregation, hold the potential to produce outcomes that more accurately reflect the will of the electorate.     

American Roulette: The Effect of Reminders of Death on Support for George W. Bush in the 2004 Presidential Election

An experiment was conducted to assess the effect of a subtle reminder of death on voting intentions for the 2004 U.S. presidential election. On the basis of terror management theory and previous research, we hypothesized that a mortality salience induction would increase support for President George W. Bush and decrease support for Senator John Kerry. In late September 2004, following a mortality salience or control induction, registered voters were asked which candidate they intended to vote for. In accord with predictions, Senator John Kerry received substantially more votes than George Bush in the control condition, but Bush was favored over Kerry following a reminder of death, suggesting that President Bush's re-election may have been facilitated by nonconscious concerns about mortality in the aftermath of September 11, 2001.     

Social Policy at the 2004 Election

Social policy appeared to be a key battleground at the 2004 Australian Federal election. Opposition Leader Latham announced major policies on Medicare, family support and taxation, and schools funding during the election campaign. Using sample survey data from the Australian Election Study 2004, this paper analyses how these policies may have influenced voters. In brief, although a significant proportion of electors identified these issues as being extremely important to them when they were deciding about how to vote, many made up their mind about how to vote around the time of the announcement of the election or before. This mitigated the potential effect that these major policies could have on the election outcome. Nevertheless, these policies were important and Labor had a significant policy advantage amongst those who were late deciders about how to cast their vote.     

State Income Inequality and Presidential Election Turnout and Outcomes*

Objective. This study examines the links among income inequality, voter turnout, and electoral choice at the state level in recent presidential elections. Methods. We introduce two new state‐level ecological data sets, estimated annual Gini coefficients of income inequality from 1969 to 2004 and a measure of income segregation across Census tracts within states in 1999. We test for associations among inequality, turnout, and party preference with cross‐sectional, fixed‐effects, and multilevel analyses. Results. The cross‐sectional effect of inequality on voter turnout and electoral choice is ambiguous. However, a fixed‐effects analysis links higher income inequality to lower voter turnout and also to a stronger Democratic vote. Multilevel results indicate that higher levels of economic segregation likewise are associated with depressed turnout, after controlling for individual voter characteristics and for state‐level income.     

Third‐Party Candidates and the 2000 Presidential Election*

Objective. This article examines how third‐party candidates influenced the 2000 presidential election. Methods. Two surveys provide information on a hypothetical election between only George Bush and Al Gore. The determinants of voting behavior in this election are then used to estimate how votes cast for third‐party candidates would have been partitioned between Bush, Gore, and abstentions had the other candidates dropped out of the race. Results. The estimates suggest that the Ralph Nader votes would have gone primarily to Gore (giving him the win in Florida) while Bush would have received more of the Pat Buchanan votes. The results also show that Nader's presence in the race gave Gore an incentive to position himself farther to the left ideologically. Bush's ideological position was not affected by Buchanan's participation. Conclusion. The third‐party candidates' participation was a critical factor in George Bush's Electoral College victory over Al Gore.