共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 33 毫秒
1.
Ian McAllister 《Journal of youth studies》2016,19(9):1220-1236
Almost since its inception, the internet has been seen as a means of reinvigorating political knowledge and engagement among the young. Early studies showed small but significant effects for internet use and increased political knowledge among the young. Using a large, national election survey conducted in Australia in 2013, this paper examines the role of the internet in shaping political knowledge among the young and, in turn, its effects on electoral participation. The results show that use of the internet during an election campaign significantly increases political knowledge among the young, and that such political knowledge enhances the likelihood of turning out to vote. Overall, the results extend the findings of other studies which have demonstrated the potential of the internet to re-engage young people into the political process. 相似文献
2.
Adam Arvidsson Alessandro Caliandro Massimo Airoldi Stefania Barina 《Information, Communication & Society》2016,19(7):921-939
This paper addresses crowd-based dynamics of value creation in participatory culture. Based on a corpus of 114,931 tweets associated with One Direction and similar boy bands, we draw on recent theories of crowd-based organization in digital media as well as classical crowd theory to build a theoretical model of collective value creation. In our model, the achievement of value in the form of trending and individual microcelebrity is based on affectively driven processes of imitation, rather than on rational evaluation and deliberation. We contrast this model with established accounts of microcelebrity and draw out implications for theories of crowd-based organization in digital media and for theories of participatory culture and collaborative value creation in general. 相似文献
3.
Fayyaz Vellani 《Disability & Society》2015,30(6):941-944
The expiry of the Coalition Government has prompted analyses of its track record regarding disabled UK citizens. While others have adeptly reviewed the government’s actions in the policy arena, this article considers the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition in terms of its construction of, and influence on, political discourses surrounding disability in the United Kingdom. This is important because language has the power to shape material realities. 相似文献
4.
Li Chen 《Chinese Journal of Communication》2018,11(2):202-217
This study explores the social media activities of politically oriented Chinese celebrity physicians. The results of the semi-structured in-depth interviews indicated that the celebrity physicians were dissatisfied because the government treated them as the scapegoats of the failed health care reform. They thus turned to social media to challenge the dominant narratives about the public health system and repair their professional reputations. To achieve these goals, the celebrity physicians produced media content that challenged the dominant governmental discourse about the public health system, and they collaborated to correct conventional media narratives about the medical profession when crises occurred. The findings of this study indicate the formation of a new type of online civil activism that was initiated by a group of professionals and intellectuals. 相似文献
5.
The problem raised in this article is whether disabled people can and should be considered as a social group with respect to political representation. The question is first discussed on the basis of theories of social and status groups. Next, the article examines how the topic is reflected empirically at the local political level in Norway, expressed by party political leaders and elected disabled representatives. The authors suggest that disabled people can and should be considered as a social group in relation to political representation. Not doing so, they argue, will in effect delay the process towards full recognition and active political citizenship. 相似文献
6.
Ulrike Klinger 《Information, Communication & Society》2013,16(5):717-736
Online communication has become a central part in the communication repertoires of political actors in Western mass democracies. In Switzerland, where broadband, internet use, and media literacy are amongst the highest in the world, all major political parties run their own website and are active on social media. This article seeks to show how Swiss political parties deal with social media, how they implement it and how they use social media. The study builds on empirical data from a structural analysis of party websites, the official Facebook sites, and Twitter feeds. These social media sites were analysed for their resonance, update frequency, and thematic clusters focusing on information, mobilization, and participation. A weekly assessment of the user numbers illustrates the development of user resonance throughout the 2011 election year. While political parties claim to appreciate the dialogue and mobilization potentials of social media, they mainly use social media as an additional channel to spread information and electoral propaganda. The overall resonance is still on a very low level. The data seem to sustain the normalization hypothesis, as larger parties with more resources and voters are better able to generate effective communication and to mobilize online than small and marginal parties. 相似文献
7.
新媒体对社会舆情具有双重影响：一方面,公众可以借此学习各种知识,关注社会发展,推动社会进步;另一方面,新媒体使日常舆论引导难度逐渐增大,政府公信力受到影响,网络信息安全面临挑战。面对此种情况,针对新媒体认识不足等突出问题,廊坊市应采取有效措施,优化社会舆论环境,建立新媒体舆情监测预警系统,科学调解控制社会舆情,拓宽公众表达渠道,促进社会政治经济健康发展。 相似文献
8.
Televised political debates are the platforms for party leaders to outline their party's political programs and to attack those of their political opponents. At the same time journalists who moderate the debates are testing the party leaders’ ability to clearly outline and defend their programs. Television audiences of election debates evaluate these party leaders and political parties based on their television performances. Prior to the social media era, viewers’ evaluations were collected through phone surveys or web questionnaires. Nowadays viewers share their opinions in real-time on social media. Particularly Twitter is used in the Netherlands as the platform to share these opinions. In this study tweets produced by the audiences of five different televised debates that took place during the campaign for the Dutch 2012 parliamentary elections are analyzed in terms of tweeting about politicians and parties as well as political issues, as well as the content of the debates. This allowed us, using time series analysis, to test the relation between issue salience in debates and issue salience of the audience on Twitter. The issues of ‘Employment and income’ and ‘Europe’ were the most tweeted about, roughly aligning with the attention these issues received in televised debates. Findings further show there are consistent audience reactions to issues discussed in the debates: issues of ‘Housing’, ‘Care for the needy', and ‘Europe’ showing the strongest effects. However, candidates and parties are not explicitly associated by people active on Twitter when certain political issues are being debated on TV. 相似文献
9.
Francis L.F. Lee 《Chinese Journal of Communication》2015,8(4):393-411
Occupy Central, which would later evolve into the Umbrella Movement, was conceived as a civil disobedience campaign when it was first proposed in early 2013. Although the history of civil disobedience in Hong Kong arguably spans decades, the concept was seldom discussed in the public arena, and the practice was not well established in the society's repertoire of contentious actions. The years 2013 and 2014 thus constituted a “critical discourse moment” in which the concept of civil disobedience was intensively discussed and debated. This study seeks to determine whether the Occupy Central campaign and the Umbrella Movement had an educational function that led to increased levels of the public's understanding of civil disobedience. The analysis of the responses to two surveys conducted in September 2013 and October 2014 showed that the public's understanding of civil disobedience increased substantially over the year. After the Umbrella Movement started, attitudinal support for and actual participation in the movement, the political use of social media, and discussions with disagreeing others significantly predicted the understanding of civil disobedience. The theoretical and social implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
10.
This article explores how disability and disabled people were portrayed in New Zealand online media between 2006 and 2016, with specific reference to disasters. Following a process of content analysis, the findings indicated that post disaster, persistent advocacy was required and ensuring accessibility, immediately following a disaster as well as in the recovery phase, was a significant issue. Disabled people were also primarily presented as a vulnerable cohort and the wide-ranging issues highlighted in the media suggest they currently have minimal voice in the four disaster management stages of risk reduction, readiness, response and recovery. This article emphasises the utilisation of relationships, skills and knowledge between individuals and Disabled People’s Organisations to strengthen the disability and disaster management discourse and activity. Increased inclusion of disabled people across all phases of disaster management will assist with the New Zealand government meeting its aspiration of a non-disabling society, especially during future disaster events. 相似文献
11.
Susan Jacobson Eunyoung Myung Steven L. Johnson 《Information, Communication & Society》2016,19(7):875-891
This study evaluates the use of hyperlinks in audience discussions on the Facebook Pages of two partisan cable news organizations: the liberal-leaning Rachel Maddow Show and the conservative O'Reilly Factor, to investigate to what extent linking might intensify partisan political discussion or infuse a variety of perspectives into online communication. The results suggest that these Facebook audiences show a preference for a small group of information resources; furthermore, the two audiences shared an even smaller number of information resources in common. The findings support previous research that suggests a relatively small number of information resources receive most of the news audience traffic, and provide some support for other studies that indicate that partisan political discussions on social media are segregated by political orientation. 相似文献
12.
Leticia Bode 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(4):587-603
Historically, major gender differences exist in both political engagement and online content creation. Expanding on these literatures, this study considers the extent to which men and women engage in politics specifically in social media. Novel survey data are employed to test for any gendered differences in encountering and responding to political content via social media. Despite measuring a robust set of political behaviors within social media, few gender differences emerge. Where differences do emerge, they are most likely among the most visible political behaviors, suggesting that women may strategically engage in less visible or less-likely-to-offend political behaviors, as compared to men. This poses important questions regarding political participation, representation, and gender. 相似文献
13.
Anamaria Dutceac Segesten Michael Bossetta 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(11):1625-1643
This study investigates how, and to what extent, citizens use Twitter as a platform for political mobilization in an electoral context. Conceptualizing political participation as a process, we develop a typology of political participation designed to isolate mobilizing calls for action from the rest of the political discussion online. Based on Twitter data collected one week prior to the 2015 British general election, we then identify the top 100 most retweeted accounts using the hashtag #GE2015, classify them by actor type, and perform a content analysis of their Twitter posts according to our typology. Our results show that citizens – not political parties – are the primary initiators and sharers of political calls for action leading up to the election. However, this finding is largely due to an uneven distribution of citizen-driven mobilizing activity. A small number of highly active users, typically supporters of nationalist parties, are by far the most active users in our dataset. We also identify four primary strategies used by citizens to enact mobilization through Twitter: in-text calls for action, hashtag commands, sharing mobilizing content, and frequent postings. Citizens predominantly expressed political calls for action through Twitter’s hashtag feature, a finding that supports the notion that traditional conceptions of political participation require nuance to accommodate the new ways citizens are participating in the politics of the digital age. 相似文献
14.
Decline in the size and diversity of American's core networks has been tied to the displacement of face-to-face interaction and to lower societal well-being. Comparing core networks in the United States, Norway, and Ukraine, we reject the conclusions that frequent in-person contact predicts individual well-being and that large/diverse networks predict broader societal well-being. Individuals of lower socioeconomic status (SES) and societies with lower levels of overall prosperity have higher rates of in-person contact. Internet use is associated with higher in-person contact for the socioeconomically advantaged but lower rates of in-person contact for the disadvantaged. In-person and ICT-based contact is generally associated with maintaining a larger network, but in societies of lower well-being frequent interaction impedes the ability to maintain a large network. In contrast to the positive relationship between individual SES and network size, societal prosperity has a negative relationship to network size. Findings are discussed in relation to social support, democratic engagement, and the digital divide. 相似文献
15.
Michael Xenos Ariadne Vromen Brian D. Loader 《Information, Communication & Society》2014,17(2):151-167
Recent developments suggest a strong relationship between social media use and political engagement and raise questions about the potential for social media to help stem or even reverse patterns of political inequality that have troubled scholars for years. In this paper, we articulate a model of social media and political engagement among young people, and test it using data from representative samples of young people in Australia, the USA, and the UK. Our results suggest a strong, positive relationship between social media use and political engagement among young people across all three countries, and provide additional insights regarding the role played by social media use in the processes by which young people become politically engaged. Notably, our results also provide reasons to be optimistic concerning the overall influence of this popular new form of digital media on longstanding patterns of political inequality. 相似文献
16.
Barrie Axford 《Globalizations》2013,10(5):681-686
This article examines the role played by social media in the popular uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). When discussing their role, it is important to note the wider research context on social media and political participation and to be aware of any ideological and normative interventions. A number of key questions are asked about the role played by social media in the uprisings. First is the importance of context when assessing the role and impact of social media with global reach. Second is the extent to which ‘old’ media in the guise of print and broadcast journalism have been displaced or downgraded as forums for public talk. Third is the variable use and significance of different information and communication technologies and formats. The fourth issue concerns the demeanor of activists and audience, while the fifth focuses on the effects of social media on the conduct of the uprisings and, insofar as this can be ascertained, on their outcomes. Este artículo examina el papel que jugaron los medios en los famosos levantamientos a través del Medio Oriente y África del Norte (MENA, por sus siglas en inglés). Al analizar su papel, es importante notar una mayor amplitud en el contexto de la investigación sobre los medios sociales y la participación política, y de tener presente cualquier intervención normativa e ideológica. Se formularon varias preguntas claves sobre el rol que jugaron los medios sociales en los levantamientos. Primero, la importancia del contexto cuando se evalúa el papel e impacto de los medios sociales con el alcance mundial. Segundo, hasta qué punto los medios ‘antiguos’ en la forma de periodismo impreso y radio y teledifusión fueron desplazados o se redujeron a fórums de charlas públicas. Tercero, la importancia y el uso variable de las diferentes tecnologías y formatos de la información y la comunicación. El cuarto asunto analiza la conducta de los activistas y la audiencia, mientras que el quinto se enfoca en los efectos de los medios sociales sobre la conducta de los levantamientos, y en la medida que se pueda constatar, sobre sus consecuencias. 本文考察社会媒体在横贯西亚北非地区的民众反叛中扮演的角色。当讨论社会媒体的作用时,注意到社会媒体和政治参与广阔的研究范围并小心避免任何意识形态或价值标准干扰是很重要的。关于社会媒体在反叛中扮演的角色,存在若干关键问题。首先是当以全球性覆盖来评估社会媒体角色和影响时环境的重要性。第二是作为公众话题平台,以印刷和广播新闻形式出现的“旧”媒体在多大程度上被取代或其重要性降低了。第三是不同的信息、通信技术及形式的可变用途和重要性。第四个问题有关积极分子和接受者的行为,而第五个则聚焦于社会媒体对起义的进行以及在可确定范围内其结局的影响。 相似文献
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This study reviews and analyzes the published empirical research on the role of social media in promoting political expression and participation in Confucian Asia, including China, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan. In addition to providing a narrative review of the literature, our analyses show clear numerical estimates of the relationships among different types of social media use (i.e., informational, expressive, relational, and recreational), political expression, and participation in Confucian states. The findings reiterate the importance of the expressive use of social media, showing its moderately strong relationship with participation. The findings also show weak positive relationships with informational and relational uses. We also examine the role of political systems in these relationships and conclude that the strongest relationships are in democratic states, followed by hybrid and authoritarian systems. 相似文献
20.
Three explanations have been advanced to account for the generalized action potential of contemporary protest movements: the
rise of the new class, a set of general social trends that cumulatively lead to liberalized social values and loosened social
restraints against protest, and the mobilization of excluded groups. Analyzing three dimensions of generalized action potential—protest
potential, political action repertoires, and protest movement support—we find support for all three explanations. Educated
salaried professionals, especially sociocultural and public sector professionals, display greater protest potential, especially
for civil disobedience, and are supportive of emerging “middle class” movements. A set of general social trends centering
on increased education, life-cycle and generational change, secularism, and increased women's autonomy also create greater
action potential. Reflecting mobilization against political exclusion, African Americans display a consistently strong generalized
action potential. These protests reflect the rise of new political repertoires, particularly “protest activism,” which combines
protest with high levels of conventional participation and is centered among the more educated. 相似文献
