Class Position,Class Ideology and Class Voting: Mobilization of Support for the New Democratic Party in the Canadian Election of 1984*

La recherche canadienne sur le vote des classes a surtout fait ressortir l'importance des forces structurelles qui contribuent à faire naître l'appui au Nouveau Parti démocratique (NPD) en insistant moins sur l'idéologie des classes. Le présent article contient un modèle LISREL faisant état des relations entre les positions des classes, leur idéologic et le vote en faveur du NPD selon la base de données provenant de l'étude des élections nationales du Canada de 1984. Les observations soulignent l'importance que revêtent, en tant que sources des suffrages des classes, trois dimensions de l'idéologie des classes qui repré-sentent en partie le résultat de la position de ces dernières. L'idéologie égalitaire et l'appui au maintien des syndicate forts ont des effete directs et prononcés sur le vote en faveur du NPD alors que l'identifi-cation à une classe exerce un effet indirect par le biais de deux autres variables. Même si la position objective des classes agit indépendam-ment sur les suffrages accordés au NPD, ses répercussions semblent limitées comparativement à celles que produisent les trois variables liées à l'étude. En modélisant les effete de la position et de l'idéologie des classes, les auteurs ont employé trois variables non encore utili-sées dans les analyses précédentes des suffrages des classes, soit l'appui des père et mère au NPD, la présence d'un syndiqué (autre que le répondant) dans le ménage et l'appartenance à une «classe nouvelle». Chacune de ces variables a un effet majeur sur le soutien donné au NPD. Quant aux répercussions attribuables à la région, elles semblent assez limitées une fois que l'on a tenu compte du vote des père et mère en faveur du NPD et de l'appui accordéà ce dernier à l'occasion des élections de 1980. Canadian research on class voting has primarily emphasized structural forces that produce support for the NDP, with less attention to class ideology. This paper presents a LISREL model of relationships among class position, class ideology, and voting for the NDP, based on data from the Canadian National Election Study of 1984. The findings point to the importance of three dimensions of class ideology, produced in part by class position, as sources of class voting. Egalitarian ideology and support for union strength have strong direct effects on NDP voting, and class identification exerts an indirect effect through the other two variables. Although objective class position has an independent effect on NDP voting, its impact appears to be modest in relation to that of the three attitudinal variables. In modelling the effects of class position and ideology, three variables not used in previous Canadian analyses of class voting have been employed: parental support for the NDP, presence of a union member (other than the respondent) in the household, and membership in a “New Class.” Each has a solid effect on NDP support. The effects of region appear as quite modest, after controlling for parental support for the NDP and for NDP support in the 1980 election.     

中产小区:阶级构成与道德秩序的建立

当代中国的社会结构出现了重大转变,一个新兴的中产阶级逐渐形成。在北京,我们采用民族志的方法对一个中产阶级的住宅小区进行了访谈,并分析小区之内道德秩序的构建:关键要素之一是对公共和私人的界定与协调。我们试图了解居民们常态下的日常生活,并考察他们内部的微观政治学。从如何恰当饲养宠物到区内居民的着装问题,由业主之间讨论的话题,了解到中产阶级如何在社区内打造一种新的生活方式。     

Class struggle and the transformation of the labor process

Conclusion The reorganization of work in the early decades of this century was not the simple product of a group of far-sighted industrial engineers any more than it was the direct result of an omniscient capitalist class. The basic need for this reorganization (as well as the limits of its development) was set by a broad process which can best be termed capital accumulation. But, as I have argued in this paper, the particular forms, timing, and ideological effects of this reorganization in the United States were conditioned by the patterns of interacting organizations including the state and emergent occupational groups as well as the constitutive formal and informal organizations of the capitalist class and the working class. Relegating these patterns to the status of only epiphenomenal effects of an underlying and determinant process of capital accumulation obscures important political consequences which arise from these patterns themselves. To identify only a few: The contemporary system of American industrial relations finds its origins in the forms and timing of the reorganization of work examined in this essay. Although they did not spring into existence in their fully developed forms (and although their patterns did not evidence an uninterrupted unilinear development), many of elements — and the relations between them — of contemporary American labor relations were prefigured during the period studied here. For we find, especially during the crucial period of World War I, the American labor movement in a situation of double jeopardy — heavily dependent on the state to provide the basis legal conditions for organizing, but without a party of its own to struggle politically to maintain these conditions in periods when state managers find it less expedient to continue or extend these arrangements. With a significant part of the organized labor force concentrated in war-related industry, with collective bargaining defined as a set of technical operations in which legal and engineering experts from both sides engage in processes of productivity bargaining, and with the routinization of tasks and erosion of traditional work rules conducted under the aegis of conservative trade unions, we observe, in that period, a pattern of labor relations closely corresponding to that of our own.     

Exploring Social Class: Voices of Inter‐Class Couples

Social class is not often discussed or examined in‐depth in couple and family therapy research and literature even though social class shapes familial relationships and is considered an important variable in marital satisfaction. In this qualitative study, we explored the perceptions of eight couples who made lasting commitments across class lines by asking them about the impact of their social class backgrounds on their relationships. Three categories of themes emerged including: (a) differences and similarities in values and attitudes toward education, work, money, and class awareness/classism, (b) relationship issues involving families of origin, friends, and class‐based couple conflict, and (c) differences in economic resources, social capital and privileges/opportunities. Implications for assessment and treatment of couples are included.     

Social Class and the Prevalence of Handicapping Conditions

A series of hypotheses concerning relationships between age, sex, social class and the prevalence of handicapping conditions were developed and tested against the data from two large British cross-sectional surveys. The data showed that, as predicted, the prevalence of handicapping conditions was most strongly associated with indicators of social class among the middle-aged and that class related differences on physiological and lifestyle health indicators occurred at an earlier age than differences in the prevalence of handicaps. The relationship between social class and handicap prevalence was found for a variety of types of handicap. One interpretation of the pattern of relationships between indicators of social class and the prevalence of handicap in different age groups is that the risk of experiencing a handicapping condition is affected by long-term environmental effects associated with class. The methodological limitations of cross-sectional surveys in relation to propositions about causality are discussed.     

Caring Labor and Class Consciousness: The Class Dynamics of Gendered Work

Previous research on class consciousness has not examined the gendered nature of paid labor. Paid caring laborwork that involves the direct provision of care to clients or customers—now comprises 20% of the labor force. This is work that tends to place workers in conflict with the goals of management. The conflict between caring values and exchange values may lead workers to greater levels of class consciousness. I use national survey data to examine whether workers in caring labor occupations are more class conscious than other workers. Results indicate that caring laborers are more likely to be pro–working-class conscious than other workers after controlling for class position, income, education, government and nonprofit sectors, sex, and race. Workers in high intensity caring jobs are especially likely to be class conscious. This suggests that, at crucial points, the logic of caring and the logic of commodification are at odds.     

Analysis of the Englishness from the Perspective of Linguistic Class

Language is,as it were,the strong reflection of social and cultural phenomenon.One cannot talk at all without immediately revealing one's own social class because of the terminology and pronunciation—the words he uses and how he says them.Furthermore,one cannot talk about English conversation without talking about class.In this paper,the writer points out that English speech reflects the Englishness,namely,their love of words,their denial of meritocracy and their characteristic of hypocrisy.     

Class and family

This paper seeks to make a contribution to debates on ‘class analysis’, as well as exploring the role of the family in class reproduction. A broad distinction is drawn between primarily ‘economic’ and primarily ‘culturalist’ accounts of class reproduction. It is argued that despite their differences, these accounts also share many similarities. In particular, both approaches identify the role of the family as central to the reproduction of class. However, economic and cultural accounts cannot be integrated into a single ‘theory’, one reason being that the mechanisms whereby economic and cultural capital are transmitted are different. Nevertheless, economic and cultural approaches may be (and should be) used in combination with each other in order to develop a full account of the reproduction of class inequalities. In developing these arguments, a critique is offered of current theories of ‘individualisation’ in relation to class and the family. The argument is illustrated by two ‘worked examples’; teenage motherhood, and the patterning of mothers’ employment.     

构建和谐班级的艺术与方法

班级是一个特殊的"社会",学生是"班级社会"的主人,实施民主管理、培养协作精神、加强情感交流、培育竞争意识、推行多元评价是实施班级人性化管理的重要手段,能够更好地培养学生的"自我约束,自我教育、自我管理"的能力,督促其"自我发展、自我完善",调动全体学生的积极性和主动性,培养和提高学生的自理自立和自我教育能力,促进班级的和谐和可持续发展。     

Organizational Linkages among the Inner Group of the Capitalist Class

Abstract

This study investigates the non-corporate organizational linkages among the inner group of the capitalist class, defined as those who are interlocked with three or more corporations. To the extent that persons already linked through corporate ties also are connected through common memberships in business organizations, social clubs, and other voluntary organizations, the likelihood of a national cohesive power elite is increased. The corporate data used are from the 1976 government study of the 130 major companies in the United States, controlling collectively 25 percent of all assets. The biographical data on the 66 individuals found to sit on three or more boards among these 130 companies were taken from Who's Who. Several key organizations were found where the members of the elite were especially interconnected. A cluster of 15 individuals with 13 or more common memberships within the 66 were identified as having the greatest linkages. The analysis of the number of common links for each possible pair among these 15 individuals revealed an average of 2.76. Moreover, one-third of the 15 had four links or more, with at least five persons among this inner circle, revealing the nucleus of the inner group. These data show that there is a social network, national in scope, which provides a basis for unity among leaders of the capitalist class.