Determinants of the retail price of illegal drugs in New Zealand

IntroductionNew Zealand has a number of unusual geographical features that may influence the price of illegal drugs including international isolation, numerous rural communities, and two separate islands (North and South Islands).Aims(1) Collect data on the prices of different drug types from all regions of New Zealand; (2) Identify independent predictors of the reported prices.MethodAn online drug survey was promoted via a targeted Facebook™ campaign. A total of 6331 respondents completed the survey. Normal regression models were constructed to identify predictors of the reported price of an ounce of cannabis, gram of methamphetamine, pill of ecstasy and tab of LSD using demographics, drug use frequency, drug market indicators, region, community size, type of seller, and location of purchase as predictor variables.ResultsHigher availability was a predicator of lower prices for cannabis (-3% per higher availability category), methamphetamine (-4%) and ecstasy (-5%). Those living in the North Island (-26%) and buying from gangs (-5%) paid lower prices for methamphetamine. Those living in rural communities reported higher prices for methamphetamine (+5%) but lower prices for cannabis (-3%). Daily cannabis users (+4%) and those on social welfare (+2%) paid higher prices for cannabis.ConclusionLower prices for methamphetamine in the North Island may reflect the concentration of methamphetamine manufacture there. The fact that gangs offer lower prices for methamphetamine suggests they do not have monopoly control of this market. Gangs may be able to offer lower prices for methamphetamine due to scale of production/trafficking and lower risk of victimisation. Higher prices for methamphetamine in rural areas may reflect less competitive markets. Lower prices for cannabis in rural communities may be due to proximity to growing locations. Daily cannabis users and those on social welfare may be less able to delay their cannabis purchases to low price harvest months.     

From ecstasy to MDMA: Recreational drug use,symbolic boundaries,and drug trends

BackgroundEcstasy pills with MDMA as the main ingredient were introduced in many European countries in the 1980s, and were often linked to the rave and club scenes. However, use gradually levelled off, in part as a response to increased concerns about possible mental health consequences and fatalities. Extensive use of MDMA now seems to be re-emerging in many countries. In this study, we investigated the cultural and social meaning associated with MDMA use in Oslo, Norway, with an emphasis on how users distinguish MDMA crystals and powder from “old ecstasy pills”.MethodsQualitative in-depth interviews (n = 31, 61,3% males) were conducted with young adult party-goers and recreational MDMA/ecstasy users (20–34 years old, mean age 26.2 years).ResultsResearch participants emphasised three important perceived differences between the MDMA crystals and ecstasy pills: (i) The effects of MDMA were described as better than ecstasy; (ii) MDMA was regarded as a safer drug; (iii) Users of MDMA crystals were described as more distinct from and less anchored in out-of-fashion rave culture than those using ecstasy. These differences were an important part of the symbolic boundary work MDMA users engaged in when justifying their drug use.ConclusionMDMA has re-emerged as an important psychoactive substance in Oslo’s club scene. One important reason for this re-emergence seems to be its perceived differentiation from ecstasy pills, even though the active ingredient in both drugs is MDMA. This perceived distinction between MDMA and ecstasy reveals the importance of social and symbolic meanings in relation to psychoactive substance use. Insights from this study can be important in terms of understanding how trends in drug use develop and how certain drugs gain or lose popularity.     

Experienced Drug Users Assess the Relative Harms and Benefits of Drugs: A Web-Based Survey

Abstract

A web-based survey was used to consult the opinions of experienced drug users on matters related to drug harms. We identified a rare sample of 93 drug users with personal experience with 11 different illicit drugs that are widely used in the UK. Asked to assess the relative harms of these drugs, they ranked alcohol and tobacco as the most harmful, and three “Class A” drugs (MDMA, LSD, and psilocybin) and one class B (cannabis) were ranked as the four least harmful drugs. When asked to assess the relative potential for benefit of the 11 drugs, MDMA, LSD, psilocybin, and cannabis were ranked in the top four; and when asked why these drugs are beneficial, rather than simply report hedonic properties, they referred to potential therapeutic applications (e.g., as tools to assist psychotherapy). These results provide a useful insight into the opinions of experienced drug users on a subject about which they have a rare and intimate knowledge.     

Illicit Use of LSD or Psilocybin,but not MDMA or Nonpsychedelic Drugs,is Associated with Mystical Experiences in a Dose-Dependent Manner

Abstract

Psychedelic drugs have long been known to be capable of inducing mystical or transcendental experiences. However, given the common “recreational” nature of much present-day psychedelic use, with typical doses tending to be lower than those commonly taken in the 1960s, the extent to which illicit use of psychedelics today is associated with mystical experiences is not known. Furthermore the mild psychedelic MDMA (“Ecstasy”) is more popular today than “full” psychedelics such as LSD or psilocybin, and the contribution of illicit MDMA use to mystical experiences is not known. The present study recruited 337 adults from the website and newsletter of the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies (MAPS), most of whom reported use of a variety of drugs both licit and illicit including psychedelics. Although only a quarter of the sample reported “spiritual” motives for using psychedelics, use of LSD and psilocybin was significantly positively related to scores on two well-known indices of mystical experiences in a dose-related manner, whereas use of MDMA, cannabis, cocaine, opiates and alcohol was not. Results suggest that even in today's context of “recreational” drug use, psychedelics such as LSD and psilocybin, when taken at higher doses, continue to induce mystical experiences in many users.     

Characterising dark net marketplace purchasers in a sample of regular psychostimulant users

BackgroundThe past five years has seen a proliferation in marketplaces operating on the ‘dark net’ selling licit and illicit substances. While monitoring systems have investigated the specific substances for sale on these marketplaces, less is known about consumer motivations for accessing these marketplaces and factors associated with their use.MethodsAn Australian national sample (n = 800) recruited on the basis of regular psychostimulant use was recruited and asked about purchasing substances from dark net marketplaces and the reasons for doing so. Respondents who had purchased any drug from a dark net marketplace in the preceding year were compared to those who had not in terms of demographic information and factors including drug use, criminal activity, and sexual and mental health.ResultsNine percent (n = 68) of the sample had purchased from dark net markets in the past year. MDMA, LSD and cannabis were the three most commonly purchased substances, and the main benefits cited for purchasing online were the better quality and lower cost of drugs available. Controlling for other factors, participants who purchased from dark net marketplaces in the past year tended to be younger, more likely to be involved in recent property crime and to have used more classes of drugs in the preceding six months, specifically psychedelics and ‘new psychoactive drugs’.ConclusionsThough a small minority of participants reported having purchased drugs online in the preceding six months, these appeared to be a more ‘entrenched’ group of consumers, with more diverse substance use and rates of criminal activity. For consumers in the current sample reporting recent dark net usage, country borders are now less of a significant barrier to purchase and there is a wider range of substances available than ever before.     

Club Drug Use in Germany

In this paper the epidemiology of club drug use in Germany, including the use of 3,4-methylendioxy-N-methamphetamine (MDMA) known as ‘ecstasy’ and related substances such as speed, amphetamines, hallucinogens, and cannabis is described on the basis of five different surveys. Two of them are representative household surveys to monitor the licit and illicit drug use behavior of the German population. The third one is a longitudinal study aimed at exploring comorbidity and posited risk and protective factors in adolescents and young adults with specific emphasis on substance use-related disorders. Since ecstasy seemed to be associated with a new music culture of the ‘90s called “techno,” two studies investigating the relationship of using ecstasy and related substances in the techno party scene are additionally presented. The question of the clinical impact of using ecstasy and related substances is raised in terms of substance use-related and mental disorders associated with the use of ecstasy. Finally, the motivation for using and stopping the use of ecstasy is addressed. It is shown that ecstasy has reached the second place (after cannabis) in illegal drug preferences of adolescents and young adults in Germany. Evidence is found that ecstasy use as well as ecstasy use-related disorders such as “abuse” and “dependence” are of a transient, “youth-limited” nature.     

Virtual raves and happy hours during COVID-19: New drug use contexts for electronic dance music partygoers

BackgroundThe popularity of virtual raves and happy hours has increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. While nightlife settings are often associated with drug use, it is unknown whether virtual events are associated with use.MethodsElectronic dance music (EDM) partygoers who live in New York and reported recent drug use were recruited online and screened for eligibility throughout April and May 2020. Eligible adults (n = 128) were asked about virtual rave and happy hour attendance during the COVID-19 crisis. We examined prevalence and correlates of drug use during such events.Results55.5% of participants attended virtual raves and 69.5% attended virtual happy hours. 40.9% used illegal drugs during virtual raves and the most frequently used drugs were cannabis (29.6%), ecstasy/MDMA/Molly (8.5%), LSD (7.0%), and cocaine (4.2%). 33.7% used illegal drugs during virtual happy hours and the most frequently used drugs were cannabis (29.2%), cocaine (3.4%), and ketamine (3.4%). Older participants were more likely to use illegal drugs during virtual raves, and those reporting past-year use of more drugs were more likely to use drugs during virtual raves and/or happy hours (ps<0.05).ConclusionsEDM partygoers are at risk for using drugs during virtual events. Results can inform prevention and harm reduction efforts.     

Examining the Prevalence and Perceived Harm of Ecstasy and Other Drug Use Among Juvenile Offenders

ABSTRACT

To date, few studies have examined the use of 3,4 methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA or “ecstasy”) among criminal populations. In the current study, self-report drug use data and urine specimens were collected from 86 male juvenile offenders surveyed through Maryland's Offender Population Urinalysis Screening (OPUS) Program. Prevalence estimates of ecstasy use were generated and associations between ecstasy use, demographic characteristics, and alcohol and other drug (AOD) use were explored. Nineteen percent of the sample reported lifetime ecstasy use, 14% within the past 12 months, and 8% within the past 30 days. One percent of the sample reported ecstasy use in the two days preceding the interview, and none tested positive for MDMA via urinalysis. Compared to non-users, past-year ecstasy users were significantly more likely to be white and to have used alcohol, marijuana, powder cocaine, and heroin within the 12 months preceding the interview. The use of marijuana once or twice and regularly was associated with the least amount of risk of physical and/or psychological harm for both the past-year ecstasy users and the non-users in the sample. Policy implications are discussed.     

Opioids,stimulants, and depressant drugs in fifteen Mexican Cities: A wastewater-based epidemiological study

BackgroundMonitoring drug use in México is a challenge due to emerging drugs and rapid changes in consumption patterns. The temporal and geographical patterns of cocaine, methamphetamine, amphetamine, MDMA, cannabis, heroin, ketamine, and fentanyl were examined in Mexican cities using wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE).Methods105 daily composite wastewater samples were collected from sewage treatment plants in fifteen Mexican cities. We quantified drug residues using liquid chromatography–high-resolution mass spectrometry, and estimated drug use by back-calculation of drug loads.ResultsWe identified ten drug target residues in at least one sample across cities. Drugs with the highest median levels were cannabis, methamphetamine, and cocaine. The median range of cannabis for one week was between 147 and 20,364 mg/day/1000inhab across cities, whereas methamphetamine ranged between 5 and 3,628 mg/day/1000inhab. Cocaine was found in levels between 2 and 370 mg/day/1000inhab. The highest levels of methamphetamine and amphetamine were observed in the US border cities of Tijuana and San Luis Río Colorado. The presence of heroin, MDMA, ketamine, and fentanyl was stronger during weekends, while cannabis, cocaine, and amphetamine were found throughout the week.ConclusionThis study provides the first report of fentanyl, norfentanyl, and ketamine in wastewater in Mexico. The results indicate an increased presence of drugs on known drug traffic routes, demonstrating that WBE can help identify areas of high drug use and assist governments in developing policies to reduce drug use and harm in the communities.     

The impact of comorbid cannabis and methamphetamine use on mental health among regular ecstasy users

Objective

Residual effects of ecstasy use induce neurotransmitter changes that make it biologically plausible that extended use of the drug may induce psychological distress. However, there has been only mixed support for this in the literature. The presence of polysubstance use is a confounding factor. The aim of this study was to investigate whether regular cannabis and/or regular methamphetamine use confers additional risk of poor mental health and high levels of psychological distress, beyond regular ecstasy use alone.

Method

Three years of data from a yearly, cross-sectional, quantitative survey of Australian regular ecstasy users was examined. Participants were divided into four groups according to whether they regularly (at least monthly) used ecstasy only (n = 936), ecstasy and weekly cannabis (n = 697), ecstasy and weekly methamphetamine (n = 108) or ecstasy, weekly cannabis and weekly methamphetamine (n = 180). Self-reported mental health problems and Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10) were examined.

Results

Approximately one-fifth of participants self-reported at least one mental health problem, most commonly depression and anxiety. The addition of regular cannabis and/or methamphetamine use substantially increases the likelihood of self-reported mental health problems, particularly with regard to paranoia, over regular ecstasy use alone. Regular cannabis use remained significantly associated with self reported mental health problems even when other differences between groups were accounted for. Regular cannabis and methamphetamine use was also associated with earlier initiation to ecstasy use.

Conclusions

These findings suggest that patterns of drug use can help identify at risk groups that could benefit from targeted approaches in education and interventions. Given that early initiation to substance use was more common in those with regular cannabis and methamphetamine use and given that this group had a higher likelihood of mental health problems, work around delaying onset of initiation should continue to be a priority.     

Self-Reported Ecstasy/MDMA/“Molly” Use in a Sample of Nightclub and Dance Festival Attendees in New York City

Background: Ecstasy (MDMA) use has regained popularity in the United States, particularly in the form of “Molly,” which is often marketed as pure MDMA. Surveys have generally not included “Molly” in the definition of ecstasy, so rates of use may be underestimated. As popularity of ecstasy increases, research is needed to examine use among those at highest risk for use—nightlife attendees. Methods: We surveyed 679 young adults (age 18–25) entering nightclubs and festivals holding electronic dance music (EDM) parties in New York City in 2015. A variation of time-space sampling was utilized. We examined prevalence and correlates of self-reported lifetime ecstasy use. Results: Self-reported lifetime ecstasy use was common (42.8%, 95% CI: 32.8, 52.7). Use was most common among older participants, frequent party attendees, and those reporting higher levels of exposure to users. Those surveyed outside of festivals were less likely to report use compared to those surveyed outside of nightclubs (AOR = 0.37, p = .015). Over a third of ecstasy users (36.8%)reported use in pill, powder, and crystal form. Ecstasy users were also more likely to report use of other drugs, including novel psychoactive substances (e.g., 2C series drugs, synthetic cathinones [“bath salts”]). Half (50.4%) reported suspecting (21.9%) or finding out (28.5%) that their ecstasy had ever contained a drug other than MDMA. Conclusion: A large percentage of nightlife attendees in NYC report lifetime ecstasy use. Findings should inform prevention and harm reduction programming. Further research is needed as ecstasy continues to change (e.g., in form, purity, and name).     

Impulsivity, risk taking and recreational 'ecstasy' (MDMA) use

The present study investigated characteristics of recreational drug users, especially 'ecstasy' (MDMA) users, in 254 undergraduates. All participants completed a drug history questionnaire (DHQ), the impulsiveness venturesomeness and empathy questionnaire, a novel risk-taking task (Bets16), and 59 also completed the tri-dimensional personality questionnaire (TPQ). DHQ responses allocated participants to five groups: non-drug controls, cannabis users, polydrug (no ecstasy) users, low (<20 occasions) ecstasy users and high (>20 occasions) ecstasy users. Eighteen percent of the sample had used ecstasy and of the ecstasy users, only one had not used other substances. A larger proportion of high ecstasy users had also used amphetamines, cocaine and LSD in comparison to the low ecstasy and non-ecstasy polydrug users. High ecstasy users typically took significantly more ecstasy tablets compared with low ecstasy users. Impulsiveness, venturesomeness and novelty seeking behaviour increased from the non-drug users to high ecstasy users. Ecstasy users (low and high) and polydrug (non-ecstasy) users had higher levels of impulsivity, venturesomeness and novelty seeking behaviour compared with non-drug users. Furthermore, high ecstasy users scored higher on the Bets16 risk-taking measure than non-drug users, cannabis users and low ecstasy users. The findings are discussed in relation to: (i) the possibility that increased impulsivity pre-dated drug use; and (ii) the possible link between impulsivity and the putative serotonergic neurotoxicity of ecstasy.     

Sellers’ risk perceptions in public and private social media drug markets

IntroductionFrom the early use of pagers and cellular phones to the darknet and smartphones, technological developments have facilitated drug deals in various ways, especially by altering time and space boundaries. Traditional drug market literature theorises about how physical markets, within which sellers act according to their risk perceptions and motivation, are led by supply, demand, and enforcement. However, there is an almost absolute research gap in understanding how this relates to digital markets and social media markets in particular. It is expected that the plasticity of technology makes digital markets highly mouldable so that the sellers are able to shape markets according to their use.Research aimThe aim of the study is to describe and understand drug dealing on social media within the structure of existing markets. We aim to do so by analysing how drug sellers’ risk perceptions and motivations form and are formed by social media technology.MethodsWe conducted a three-month digital ethnographic study on Facebook and Instagram in the five Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden), as well as 107 semi-structured qualitative interviews with sellers (2/3 of the sample) and buyers (1/3 of the sample) using online markets within the same countries.ResultsDrug dealing on social media varies according to the structure of the chosen media and users’ risk perceptions and motivations. Two market forms are suggested: 1) public digital markets (e.g., Facebook groups and Instagram) allow sellers to expand their customer lists, but the risk is quite high, while 2) private digital markets are based on one-on-one communication and demand greater knowledge but are perceived as more secure. Sellers choose which media to use and how to use them based on perceived risk and, therefore, have a significant impact on the formation of social media drug markets.     

Individual dollar expenditure and earnings from cannabis in the New Zealand population

Introduction: High spending on illegal drug use can potentially provide insight into a range of drug related harm such as poor health, financial hardship, loss of opportunity, family neglect and income generating crime. Assessing the impact of high spending on drug use is complicated by the fact that many heavy drug users support their high expenditure on drug use through selling drugs. The aim of this paper is to estimate individual dollar expenditure and dollar earnings from cannabis in New Zealand.Methods: As part of the 2003 New Zealand national household drug survey, detailed data were collected on cannabis use and purchasing in the previous 12 months. Those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year were divided into two groups for further analysis: ‘cannabis buyers’ (i.e. those who only purchased sufficient cannabis for their own personal consumption needs); and ‘cannabis dealers’ (i.e. those who purchased large surpluses of cannabis for re-sale on to others).Results: Seventy-two percent of those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year were ‘cannabis buyers’ only. Cannabis buyers spent a mean of $817 (NZD) each on cannabis in the previous year (median $120). Cannabis dealers spent a mean of $5988 each on cannabis in the preceding year (median $1250). Once we accounted for projected earnings from selling surplus cannabis, half of the cannabis dealers achieved a mean net annual financial gain of $2739, and the remaining half were left with a mean net annual financial loss of only $350 over a year. Overall, 81% of all those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year had spent less than 5% of their gross annual personal income on cannabis, with 14% of these making a net financial gain. The proportion of income spent on cannabis was highest among those in the two lowest income earning groups, where approximately 8% spent 20% or more of their income on cannabis. Both cannabis buyers and cannabis dealers spending 10% or more of their income on cannabis were four times more likely to be unemployed than the wider population.Conclusions: For the vast majority of those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year, spending on cannabis had only a small impact on their total annual income levels. High spending on cannabis can potentially be substantially offset by earnings from selling surplus cannabis. High spending on cannabis had its greatest impact among low income earning groups where approximately one in 13 low income cannabis spenders were spending high proportions of their income on cannabis. There appeared to be some relationship between high cannabis spending and unemployment and this warrants further investigation.     

Driving,drug use behaviour and risk perceptions of nightclub attendees in Victoria,Australia

AimIn anticipation of the introduction of roadside saliva testing in Victoria for recent THC and methylamphetamine use, this study examined the prevalence of illicit drug use among nightclub attendees in Melbourne, Victoria; their transport methods; and their drug use and driving histories.MethodsIn total, 273 persons were interviewed as they entered nightclubs in the inner Melbourne area. Questionnaires addressed drug use, risk perception and driving behaviour.ResultsDrug use on the night of interview was common, with notable proportions reporting that they had used or intended to use cannabis (22%), ecstasy (18%), speed (13%) and crystal/base methamphetamine (6%). Around one in ten participants reported that on the night of interview, they would either drive or be driven by someone under the influence of alcohol (10%), cannabis (11%) and/or methamphetamine (8%). Seventy percent reporting having heard of roadside drug testing and 65% supported it. Forty percent reported that roadside drug testing would change their drug driving behaviour.ConclusionsRoadside drug testing in Victoria may have positive impacts upon drug use and driving risk behaviours among a sample of young persons attending nightclubs. Information provision and increasing the transport options for young people will play a part in reducing the number of young clubbers who use drugs and drive.     

Use of and Attitudes Toward Club Drugs by Medical Students

ABSTRACT

This study assesses medical students' use of and attitudes towards club drugs, classified as “Generation I” (i.e., cocaine and lysergic acid diethylamide), and “Generation II” (ie, methylenedioxymethamphetamine [MDMA], ketamine, gamma hydroxybutyrate, methamphetamine, rohypnol, dextromethorphan) club drugs based on their initial widespread use in club settings. An anonymous questionnaire was administered to 340 medical students. The prevalence of any club drug use was 16.8%, with MDMA (11.8%) and cocaine (5.9%) the most commonly used. Results discussed also include the relationship of age and gender to having ever used club drugs and to their attitudes regarding use. Additionally, the study identifies differences in patterns of use and attitudes toward Generation I versus Generation II club drugs based on age, gender, and participants' prior club drug use. Findings are compared to those of earlier studies about medical students and those in a similar age group in the general population.     

Profile and correlates of colorimetric reagent kit use among people who use ecstasy/MDMA and other illegal stimulants in Australia

BackgroundColorimetric reagent kits can provide information about the compounds present in drug samples. This study aimed to identify patterns and correlates of colorimetric reagent kit use, as well as behavioural outcomes of testing, amongst people who use illegal stimulants in a context that lacks permanent government-sanctioned drug checking services.MethodsAustralians residing in capital cities who reported regularly using ecstasy/MDMA and/or other illegal stimulants ≥monthly in the past six months were recruited via social media and word-of-mouth from April-July 2019 (N = 792). Participants were asked about testing the contents and/or purity of illegal drugs, and features of last colorimetric reagent kit use. Logistic regression identified correlates of last using a kit (referent: no use of drug checking technology to test drug contents/purity in the past year).ResultsOver one-third (36%) reported testing drug contents and/or purity; of this group, 86% had last used a colorimetric reagent kit. On the last occasion, 52% reported someone else had conducted testing; 58% said testing occurred <24 h before planned drug use; and 24% reported testing for quantity of a substance. Correlates of drug checking comprised: being younger, male, past six-month use of new psychoactive substances, accessing community-based health services for alcohol or other drug reasons, selling drugs for cash profit, obtaining information from peers who had tried the drug, and searching online for reports of the drug by stamp/appearance. The majority (84%) tested a substance they had been sold and/or given as MDMA; of these, 87% detected MDMA. Of those who expected and detected MDMA, 29% and 11% reported results to their peers and dealer, respectively.ConclusionPeople who use ecstasy/MDMA and/or other illegal stimulants seek out objective information about substance contents. In countries that lack permanent government-sanctioned drug checking services, it is important to acknowledge that people already engage in drug checking but with suboptimal technologies and without tailored specialist advice and education.     

What’s in a Name? Correlates of Ecstasy Users Knowing or Agreeing that Molly is Ecstasy/MDMA

Ecstasy (MDMA) has regained popularity in powder and crystalline form, known as Molly. However, it is unknown whether all Molly users are aware that Molly is ecstasy. A total of 1045 nightclub/festival-attending adults in New York City were surveyed about ecstasy/MDMA/Molly use in 2016. Users were asked if they agreed that “Molly is (or is supposed to be) ecstasy/MDMA.” Of the 43.5% reporting lifetime use, 84.6% agreed that Molly is ecstasy, 9.5% disagreed, and 5.9% reported not knowing that Molly is ecstasy. Prevalence of use of other drugs (e.g., ketamine, opioids, methamphetamine, NBOMe, 2C series) was lowest among those not knowing that Molly is ecstasy, and highest among those not agreeing that Molly is ecstasy. Those not knowing that Molly is ecstasy were less likely to have used powder or crystal MDMA and less likely to have used in the past 12 months or to report intention to use again. Those disagreeing or not knowing that Molly is ecstasy were at over six times the odds of obtaining ecstasy from an unknown dealer, and those disagreeing were at four times higher odds of having suspected or found out that their ecstasy was adulterated. Results suggest that knowing or agreeing that Molly is ecstasy/MDMA can help indicate ecstasy-related risk.     

Chronic administration of THC prevents the behavioral effects of intermittent adolescent MDMA administration and attenuates MDMA-induced hyperthermia and neurotoxicity in rats

Most recreational users of 3, 4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA or “ecstasy”) also take cannabis, in part because cannabis can reduce the dysphoric symptoms of the ecstasy come-down such as agitation and insomnia. Although previous animal studies have examined the acute effects of co-administering MDMA and Δ⁹-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), which is the major psychoactive ingredient in cannabis, research on chronic exposure to this drug combination is lacking. Therefore, the present study was conducted to investigate the effects of chronic adolescent administration of both THC and MDMA on behavior and on regional serotonin transporter (SERT) binding and serotonin (5-HT) concentrations as indices of serotonergic system integrity. Male Sprague-Dawley rats were divided into four drug administration groups: (1) MDMA alone, (2) THC alone, (3) MDMA plus THC, and (4) vehicle controls. MDMA (2 × 10 mg/kg × 4 h) was administered every fifth day from postnatal day (PD) 35 to 60 to simulate intermittent recreational ecstasy use, whereas THC (5 mg/kg) was given once daily over the same time period to simulate heavy cannabis use. THC unexpectedly produced a modest hyperthermic effect when administered alone, but in animals co-treated with both THC and MDMA, there was an attenuation of MDMA-induced hyperthermia on dosing days. Subsequent testing conducted after a drug washout period revealed that THC reduced MDMA-related behavioral changes in the emergence and social interaction tests of anxiety-like behavior and also blunted the MDMA-induced decrease in exploratory behavior in the hole-board test. THC additionally attenuated MDMA -induced decreases in 5-HT levels and in SERT binding in the frontal cortex, parietal cortex, and striatum, but not in the hippocampus. These results suggest that chronic co-administration of THC during adolescence can provide some protection against various adverse physiological, behavioral, and neurochemical effects produced by MDMA.