略论拉美一体化的驱动因素

拉美地区是发展中国家中最早尝试一体化的地区。中国学术界目前对拉美一体化起步早却成效微的原因尚未形成共识。由于目前参与区域合作和区域一体化的行为主体主要是国家,因此,人们在解释区域合作和一体化的驱动因素时往往囿于国家范畴,无法摆脱"国家中心主义"的影响,忽视对一体化的深层次驱动因素的探索。本文试图通过对拉美一体化驱动因素的历史考察,找出拉美一体化不成功的真正原因。本文结论是跨国生产资本形成问题导致了一体化的内在驱动力不足。     

论拉美"左倾化"对美拉关系的影响

拉美"左倾化"是近年来拉美政治发展进程中的一个重要现象.左翼政治力量执掌政权后,在实行一系列经济与社会改革的同时,在外交上坚定捍卫国家与民族利益,高举反美旗帜,对美国在拉美的利益尤其是美拉关系造成了强烈冲击,导致美国在拉美的影响力迅速下降.不过,由于地缘和传统的关系,美国对该地区仍然拥有巨大的影响力.但美国要想恢复昔日在拉美的影响力,恐怕是一厢情愿.     

拉美区域一体化稳步发展

随着全球化的深入发展,区域一体化亦兴起新一轮发展浪潮,全球区域合作呈现活跃态势.近年来,拉美作为发展中国家最早实践一体化的地区,区域合作稳步前进.近年来,拉美各种区域、次区域合作组织在政治、经贸、能源和金融等领域加强对话与交流,区域合作呈现上升势头.拉美一体化正面临一个相对良性发展的机遇期.     

2007年拉美国际关系

拉美左派上台执政,中国、印度、俄罗斯等发展中大国崛起,国际油价攀升等因素对2007年的拉美国家对外关系产生了重大影响.美拉关系、拉美地区关系及地区一体化、拉美多元化对外关系都出现一定变化和调整.     

建立有中国特色的国际政治学的大胆探索--评《现代化战略选择与国际关系--拉美经验研究》

创建有中国特色的国际政治理论是近年来学术界议论较多的一个话题。许多学者认为 ,像中国这样一个历史悠久、幅员辽阔的国家 ,应该形成具有自己特点的国际政治学。然而 ,在中国 ,国际政治学作为一门学科的出现毕竟才一二十年的时间 ,面对已有近百年国际政治研究经历的西方同行 ,中国学者要提出自己的国际政治理论谈何容易 !但近一二十年来 ,尤其是 90年代以来 ,中国学者奋起直追 ,在国际政治学领域辛勤耕耘 ,苦苦探索 ,已经“基本具备自我意识”。这种自我意识即王逸舟先生所讲的“学科建设的强烈意识、批判借鉴外国经验的审视意识和探索中…     

浅析拉美"国家创新体系"的特征

"国家创新体系"的形成是一个复杂而漫长的过程,尤其对发展中国家更是如此.这一过程可以称为"国家创新体系化".严格地说,拉美在近半个世纪的时间内虽未形成一个像美国等发达国家那样完善的"国家创新体系",但一些拉美国家以电子和信息技术为试点,在形成国家创新体系的过程中表现出不同于其他国家和地区的发展特色.拉美地区的不同国家存在着不同的创新模式,这是值得关注和研究的.     

Does fair trade make a difference? The case of small coffee producers in Nicaragua

Fair trade represents an innovative approach to make the rules of global trade work for disadvantaged producers in the South and for sustainable development. But who are the real beneficiaries of fair trade? Has fair trade resulted in any discernible improvements in the lives of small coffee producers and their communities? This paper examines the effectiveness of fair trade as a development tool and the extent of its contribution to the alleviation of poverty in coffee-producing regions of Nicaragua. The paper argues that it is crucial to analyse the experiences and problems of small coffee producers and producer organisations involved in the fair trade market to ensure that the objectives and claims of fair trade are achieved in practice. The study concludes that there are limits to the extent to which fair trade can significantly raise the standard of living of small coffee producers because of factors such as the debt problems faced by cooperatives, lack of government support, and volatile international coffee prices.     

拉美独立200周年纪念与中拉人民的共同之忧

在现代化进程中,拉美历史上最早的、影响最大的一次失误,就是独立运动未能阻止拉美民族的分裂。结果,拉美的工业革命几乎被延误了整整1个多世纪,这一把美洲分裂成统治与依附两个世界的时间差,是拉美国家一切发展难题的根源。拉美国家无法创造第二个时间差的原因是由资本主义世界体系中现代化进程的规律决定的,资产阶级的民族自觉和民族扩张是资本主义发展的动力和手段、资本主义世界体系的中心—外围结构和中心国家强烈的排他性、资本主义国际经济秩序下后发劣势递增以及后发优势递减、经济全球化进程的周期性与后发国家发展的不稳定性这些规律的存在,决定了多数发展中国家始终无法达到发达国家水平的命运。拉美独立战争的历史经验表明,对发展中国家来说,最重要的是要善于从政治上解决问题。发展中国家为了实现国家的现代化和高速发展,必须要依靠自己的组织力量,创造自己的政治优势,保证政治和社会的稳定。当今时代,发展中国家现代化成功之路就是创建与现代社会化生产相适应的社会主义制度。     

金融危机对社会领域的冲击——拉美国家的经验研究

20世纪80年代以来,拉美国家备受金融危机的困扰.本文的研究表明,在每次金融危机爆发后.通常都伴随着居民生活水平的迅速下降和社会问题的急剧恶化,具体体现在真实工资下降、失业率上升、贫困问题恶化、居民生活水平下降、社会发展指标下滑等方面,但是各次危机对社会领域的冲击程度差异十分明显.1995年墨西哥金融危机给其国内社会问题造成了严重影响,各项社会指标均出现不同程度的恶化,虽然收入分化状况有所缓和(基尼系数下降),但这种缓和却是在各社会阶层尤其是中产阶级生活水平大幅度下降的情况下实现的.2001年阿根廷金融危机,使积累多年的社会问题和各项社会发展指标进一步恶化,尤其是劳动力工资的购买力急剧下降,贫困人口大规模增加的问题突出.     

大选年重塑拉美地区政治格局

2006年,拉美有10多个国家举行大选。左派纷纷上台执政,标志着左派力量的发展进入一个新高潮。拉美左派上台是拉美民众对新自由主义经济政策失望、社会两极分化贫富加剧的必然结果,是民意的反映。拉美左派分为激进左派和温和左派,其共同点是强调消灭贫困,缩小贫富差距,不同点在于对私有化的立场以及政府对经济干预的程度。左派执政对拉美政治格局以及这些国家对美国的外交关系都会带来新的变化,美国对拉美的政策也将随之调整。拉美左派未来的执政特点是务实,将更加关注民众利益。左派执政局面将持续下去。     

Institutions of Direct Democracy and Accountability in Latin America's Presidential Democracies

The crisis of representative democracy in Latin America became apparent in a wave of constitutional reforms during the 1990s. A striking feature of these reforms was the incorporation of institutions of direct democracy (IDD) into most post-transitional Latin American constitutions. Despite the shortage of efficient mechanisms of accountability and its concomitant weakening of democratic consolidation in the region, the potential of IDD to bolster accountability in the representative structures of presidential democracies has not yet received systematic scholarly attention. To fill this theoretical gap, the article presents a typology designed to assess the accountability potential of IDD, which is used to classify the constitutional provisions for direct democracy in Latin America's 18 presidential democracies. After juxtaposing the findings of constitutional analysis to the actual record of direct democracy in the region, the article concludes that there is a considerable discrepancy between constitutional accountability potential and the empirical evidence. Whereas the adoption of IDD has hardly affected the vertical dimension of accountability, the practice whereby presidents use referendums to bypass legislative opposition has worked to the detriment of the horizontal dimension of accountability.     

Trade Structure and the Effectiveness of America's "Aggressively Unilateral" Trade Policy

When does America's "aggressively unilateral" trade policy work best to open overseas markets? This paper revisits the determinants and effectiveness of Section 301 of U.S. trade law and develops a modified two-level game model for understanding the conditions under which domestic interests and institutions support the use of aggressive negotiation tactics. It argues that a system-level variable, the structure of trade, systematically affects threat effectiveness by influencing both the level of unity among domestic interest groups and the degree of divided government in the sender of threats (the United States). America's sanction threats will enjoy more unified domestic support and hence be more credible when the dispute involves a country having a competitive trade relationship with the U.S. (such as Japan, Canada, and the European Union) rather than one having a complementary trade relationship with the U.S. (such as China, India, and Brazil). Statistical tests based on the universe of Section 301 cases concluded between 1975 and 1995 yield evidence in support of this contention.     

拉美外贸体制现状分析

自 8 0年代拉美发生经济衰退后 ,拉美各国实行了一系列改革 ,以外贸制度改革为核心 ,实现了从进口替代型战略向出口导向型战略的转变。通过削减非关税壁垒 ,降低并统一关税 ,以及采取以促进出口为目的的各种政策措施 ,拉美外贸出现了迅猛发展的势头。这与进口替代战略下限制进出口的情况形成了鲜明的对照。但出口导向型战略下的外贸制度也产生了一些突出的问题。本文拟对拉美外贸体制改革后的外贸状况进行分析 ,找出问题的根源 ,并希望能从中获得一些具有借鉴意义的经验教训。一　拉美外贸现状外贸体制改革前 ,拉美各国实行进口替代型发展战…     

中国拉丁美洲史研究会第17届年会暨“纪念拉美独立200周年”学术讨论会综述

<正>2010年10月16～18日,由中国拉丁美洲史研究会主办、浙江大学光华法学院承办的中国拉丁美洲史研究会第17届年会暨纪念拉美独立200周年学术讨论会在杭州召开,来自全国各地高校和科研院所的60余名专家学者与会。浙江大学副校长兼光华法学院院长罗卫东、光华法学院常务     

美洲自由贸易区与拉丁美洲一体化

拟于 2 0 0 5年建立的美洲自由贸易区与拉丁美洲一体化来源于完全不同的思想理论。拉美一体化来源于玻利瓦尔主义、普雷维什主义和开放的地区主义 ,其目标是联合自强 ,实现发展。美洲自由贸易区思想来自美国的门罗主义和泛美主义思想体系 ,其目的在于维护美国在西半球的利益。美洲自由贸易区的建立既可给拉美国家带来利益效应 ,又可在一定程度上推动拉美一体化的发展与深化 ,同时 ,它也会给拉美国家带来很多负面影响 :一是美洲自由贸易区内中心—外围模式所固有的矛盾依然会存在 ;二是美洲自由贸易区内美国的利己目的会对拉美经济产生消极作用 ;三是集体对付国际金融风险 ;四是美洲自由贸易区内既存在南北矛盾 ,又存在南南矛盾 ,还存在区域一体化之间的矛盾与冲突。解决这些问题的关键在于加强南北对话和南南合作 ,使美拉在合作中向平等互利的方向发展。     

A confluence of Fair Trade and organic agriculture in southern India

Although the confluence of Fair Trade and organic agriculture has become a salient phenomenon, they contradict each other at the production level: Fair Trade focuses on specific products, while organic agriculture targets production units. This article explores how Southern small-scale producers cope with this discrepancy, by observing one farmers' group's attempt to obtain the two certifications in India. This case study identifies stakeholders who react to the two certifications differently under different livelihood strategies. Combining the two initiatives may not always be the best practice for realising poverty reduction and environmental conservation –aims which the initiatives have in common.     

A new Fair Trade registration scheme based on the relations of production

Fashion, accessories, and homeware fall outside the regulations of Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (FLO), which certifies mostly food products. A handful of fashion-led Fair Trade enterprises are now providing ranges of high-quality desirable products, made by workers employed in urban enterprises as well as independent producers in cooperatives. Tabeisa, an NGO involved in Fair Trade retailing, has developed a new regulatory framework which uniquely starts by defining the relations of production between all actors in the chain. This ensures that those not previously covered by existing standards are made visible and receive fair pay and conditions.     

Towards a Polanyian Perspective on Fair Trade: Market-based Relationships and the Act of Ethical Consumption

Fair trade requires that developed country consumers engage in market-based transactions with developing country producers. Yet this is not market trade in any straightforward sense, because the purchase of fairly traded products brings consumers into two market relationships at the same time. One is the market relationship through which consumers buy the product itself, which enables them to act altruistically by consciously paying the price premium that the producer receives. The other is the market relationship through which consumers buy the socially reputable knowledge of having helped a distant stranger, which enables them to harness their ostensibly ethical consumption to a knowingly self-interested action. This latter relationship adds a new dimension to orthodox commodity fetishism. A Polanyian perspective is developed to investigate the way in which fair trade reworks the commodity fetish. This serves as a prelude to an extended discussion of the moral status of the behavioural motivations that underpin fair trade consumption.