Reputational Concerns and the Emergence of Oil Sector Transparency as an International Norm

This study argues that the reputational concerns of several high-profile actors drove the emergence of oil sector transparency as an international norm. Thanks to successful advocacy campaigns, developing country oil sector operations began to pose increasing levels of reputational risk to Western governments, international institutions, and corporations. These actors responded to this scrutiny by facilitating the evolution of transparency into a widely cited oil sector "best practice." However, the self-interests of these actors also altered the course of the norm's definition and institutionalization in ways which may constrain its eventual impact on industry behaviors. This study narrates the surprising and rapid spread of the transparency norm in developing country oil affairs, a process which suggests that reputational utility should be considered as a possible explanation for norm emergence.     

从人口形势看北高加索地区的社会安全

最近十余年,北高加索地区少数民族人口显著上升,外来民族(主要是俄罗斯族)人口大幅下降,在人口民族构成上呈现出鲜明的本地化趋势.人口民族构成的本地化和单一化必然加重当地的伊斯兰化倾向、加快伊斯兰化进程.苏联解体后的俄罗斯文化带有明显的东正教特色,它与伊斯兰文化存在着巨大的差异,因而,北高加索地区在宗教上的伊斯兰化自然也就意味着整个文化取向上的非俄罗斯化.考虑到北高加索地区的许多少数民族在历史上与俄罗斯人相处得极不融洽,仇俄排俄情绪由来已久,在这一复杂的历史背景和现实背景下,俄罗斯族人口比重的下降、当地民族的单一化和本地化、宗教上的伊斯兰化和文化上的非俄罗斯化,最终极有可能将导致政治上的非俄罗斯化,进而为分离主义思潮提供沃土,加剧当地已有的独立倾向.     

东北地区突出性人口问题及其经济社会影响

目前,东北地区主要存在着人口净迁出规模不断扩大、人口老龄化日趋严峻、人口出生率过低,以及边境地区人口流失严重等突出性人口问题。从长期来看,这些突出性人口问题必将对该区域的经济社会发展产生重要影响,其中包括,社会保障体系面临财力支撑风险、许多城市面临空心化风险、基础教育等基本公共服务运营面临两难困境、边境安全面临一定隐患等问题。为此,建议率先在东北地区进行全面开放二胎政策试点,尽早实行社会保障资金全国统筹,为沿边地区居民提供特殊补贴,加快推进公共财政均等化。     

新加坡公共住房和人口控制政策

本文通过分析新加坡政府公共住房政策和人口控制政策的实施背景、过程和最终结果,探讨影响政府公共政策有效执行的因素.     

From Population Control to Reproductive Rights: Understanding Normative Change in Global Population Policy (1965–1994)

This article examines the process of normative change and nascent norm emergence in areas of global policy making through the convening of UN global conferences. Specifically, the article is a case study of how the norms and discourse undergirding and legitimising global population policy have changed from population control to reproductive rights through the passing decades. The United Nations, as a main site of discursive and normative contestation, provides opportunities for global social movements to lodge oppositional claims against states and other actors in world politics. A constructivist approach is used to identify five processes integral to understanding mutually constitutive and fluid agent-structure processes of normative change and nascent norm emergence in global population policy. This research contributes to the extant constructivist literature on the process of norm emergence by suggesting one processual model that can illuminate other cases of norm formation, maintenance, and change regarding other transnational issues.     

国际烟草控制机制与公共健康规范在中国的扩散

国际烟草控制机制是世界卫生组织在重视公共健康价值的基础上构建与发展的,其中公共健康规范占据了国际烟草控制机制的主导地位.而<烟草控制框架公约>作为世界卫生组织第一个旨在限制全球烟草和烟草制品的国际机制,对世界范围内烟草控制的各方面进行了明确的规定, 内容具有广泛性和全面性.中国作为<烟草控制框架公约>的签约国之一,虽与<烟草控制框架公约>的要求还存在一定的差距,但随着社会的发展以及负责任的大国态度的确立,中国在控烟问题上正向世界靠拢,公共健康规范在中国趋向深层扩散.     

哈萨克斯坦独立以来的人口与人口迁移

年轻的哈萨克斯坦共和国独立以后面临着十分严重的人口危机,其主要表现为主体民族在全国总人口中所占比重不到一半;大量居民因各种原因迁离哈萨克斯坦;人口出生率下降,死亡率上升.面对这种情况,政府采取了一系列措施,如鼓励国外的哈萨克人迁回哈萨克斯坦居住;采取积极的人口生育政策,提高本国公民、特别是哈萨克族居民人口出生率;推行民族和睦政策,等等.同10年前相比,哈萨克斯坦的人口状况与结构已经发生了较大变化.     

Now That Was A Riot!: Social Control in Felonious Times

ABSTRACT

In early 2017, dozens of US states introduced legislation designed to further criminalize confrontational protest tactics through expanding the scope of felony prosecutions and summoning the specter of the “riot” to depoliticize political action; indelibly linking it to criminal violence. This shift towards felonies and rioters took the form of legislation, intelligence reports, prosecutions, and rhetorical attempts at nearly every level of government. Demonstrations and campaigns were recast as felonious conspiracies, and the participants, rioters. In doing so, demonstrators were denied legibility as political actors, and instead held up in courts and newspapers as anti-social, irrational, and unruly criminal mobs. These legalistic, rhetorical, and strategic maneuvers can be critically interpreted through a mixed methodological approach embedded within Discourse Analysis and Autoethnography, and interpreted through a genealogical, social control framework. Through a close reading of these rhetorical shifts and their implications for policing and political repression, social movements adopting revolutionary nonviolence can increase resiliency through focusing on creating power, not simply challenging it.     

中国的民间外交:历史反思与学术规范

由于中国革命的历史渊源,作为与美日冷战政治斗争的手段,人民外交是传统社会主义时期中国外交的基本政策思想和重要实践形态.到20世纪70年代中美关系改善、中日关系正常化特别是改革开放以后,人民外交转型为民间外交,形成了在社会基础培育和全面实现国家利益两个方向上配合政府总体外交的战略格局.然而,有关民间外交的学术研究严重滞后,其基本概念混乱和重要结论错误的状况需要在研究中进行历史反思和学术规范.     

东北亚区域人口老龄化与老年人社会保障

近几十年持续的生育率下降,导致了东北亚区域目前已经出现的人口老龄化趋势。人口老龄化的不断进展将对各国的社会经济发展带来种种深刻的影响。随着人口老龄化,老年人的社会保障变得越来越重要。建立和健全老年人社会保障制度,采取积极的老龄化对策,以迎接即将到来的人口老龄化社会,是摆在我们面前的重大现实课题。     

影响现代中亚社会发展的内部文化力量因素

现代中亚社会的发展 ,既是一个继承原有现代化成果的过程 ,同时也是一个对昔日形成的畸形特征纠编的过程 ,但更重要的还是一个继续现代化发展的过程。毋庸置疑 ,在影响现代中亚社会发展的内部诸因素中 ,突厥、伊斯兰和俄罗斯以及这三者的结合体——突厥 -伊斯兰 -俄罗斯因素将占有最重要的影响地位。所有这些影响因素将继续直接或间接影响到现代中亚社会各国的内政建设、对外关系、社会进步和文化发展等诸多方面。     

Population: fiction and fact

This article was written to refute some common misunderstandings regarding worldwide population levels and worldwide nutrition levels. The world food supply is able to keep pace with high population growth levels. Worl food production currently meets world need; the problem is a distribution system which allocates food only to those who can pay rather than to those who need it. In many developing countries, the best agricultural lands are reserved for commercial crops rather than for subsistence crops. The U.S. food aid program does not help the most needy nations generally. The rate of world population growth is already slowing down. The desire for large families in developing countries is very often a realistic reaction to the prevailing economic system. Family planning programs will succeed. They will succeed even better in countries where general development planning is undertaken concurrently with family planning. Environmental problems are attributable to the consumption explosion in the rich countries rather than to the population explosion in the poor countries.     

USAID,Population Control,and NGO-Led Democratization in Egypt: The Fate of the ICPD Programme of Action

Critics of US democracy-promotion strategies of the last 20 years ask: what kind of democracy is promoted by US public agencies and associated nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), how is it promoted, and for what purpose(s)? This paper draws on interviews with NGO, USAID, and UN representatives, gathered in Egypt in 2001, to describe the fate of Egyptian women's advocacy NGOs seeking to implement the pro-democracy platform of action of the 1994 UN International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD). It offers some support for critics' contentions both that external (here USAID) pro-democracy interventions may actually obstruct democratization, and that the instrumental nature of US democracy promotion may mean that such activities are quickly eliminated or downgraded when they conflict with more primary US policy goals.     

非洲“冲突钻石”的产生及影响

“冲突钻石”是指一个国家内由反政府势力或派别控制地区所生产的钻石，这些钻石被用来资助反对合法政府的军事行动。“冲突钻石”的产生与有关非洲国家的国内状况、世界钻石界的运作现状以及某些国家的纵容密切相关。“冲突钻石”的存在使一些非洲国家的冲突和战乱长期化，并严重影响这些国家的战后重建。只有经过国际社会的共同努力，才能彻底清除非洲大陆的“冲突钻石”。     

印度软件企业国际化成功的社会文化因素

社会因素主要表现在社会资本、跨国社会网络和企业家的作用等方面。文化因素也是企业的核心竞争力，实际上印度软件企业国际化的一个主要因素是印度历史和由此形成的独特历史文化积淀。     

Not in Anyone's Backyard: The Emergence and Identity of a Transnational Anti-Base Network

Providing an overview of the emergence, characteristics, trajectory, and potential limitations of the transnational anti-base network, this article focuses on two broad questions relevant to transnational politics. First, what processes and mechanisms enabled local and transnational activists to form the international No Bases network? Second, how did activists juxtapose existing local anti-base identity and frames to emerging transnational ones? Following existing transnational movement theories, I argue that the global anti-base network slowly emerged through processes of diffusion and scale shift in its early stages. The onset of the Iraq War, however, injected new life into the transnational anti-base movement, eventually leading to the inaugural International Conference for the Abolition of Foreign Bases in 2007. Although loose transnational ties existed among anti-base activists prior to 2003, the U.S. war in Iraq presented anti-base activists the global frames necessary to accelerate the pace of diffusion, scale-shift, and brokerage, and hence, the consolidation of a transnational anti-base network. Paradoxically, however, even as No Bases leaders attempted to forge a new transnational identity, anti-base activists, as "rooted cosmopolitans," continued to anchor their struggle in local initiatives.     

Social Media Social Capital,Offline Social Capital,and Citizenship: Exploring Asymmetrical Social Capital Effects

In pursuit of a healthier and participatory democracy, scholars have long established the positive effects of social capital, values derived from resources embedded in social ties with others which characterize the structure of opportunity and action in communities. Today, social media afford members of digital communities the ability to relate in new ways. In these contexts, the question that arises is whether new forms of social capital associated with the use of social media are a mere extension of traditional social capital or if they are in fact a different construct with a unique and distinct palette of attributes and effects. This study introduces social media social capital as a new conceptual and empirical construct to complement face-to-face social capital. Based on a two-wave panel data set collected in the United States, this study tests whether social capital in social media and offline settings are indeed two distinct empirical constructs. Then, the article examines how these two modes of social capital may relate to different types of citizenship online and offline. Results show that social media social capital is empirically distinct from face-to-face social capital. In addition, the two constructs exhibit different patterns of effects over online and offline political participatory behaviors. Results are discussed in light of theoretical developments in the area of social capital and pro-democratic political engagement.     

俄罗斯的人口问题和外来移民政策

近10余年来,人口危机始终是一个令俄罗斯朝野各界感到困惑的棘手问题。为了扭转人口负增长的局面,俄罗斯决策层首先从国内因素出发,采取了鼓励人口再生和减少人口损失的措施。然而,转轨时期的俄罗斯经济现状决定了上述政策难以在短期内根本奏效。俄政府逐渐重视解决人口问题的一种外部补偿性手段——吸引外来移民。实践证明,引进外来移民对于保持俄罗斯人力资源的动态平衡具有十分重要的意义。针对外来非法移民活动日渐增多的趋势,俄罗斯出台了一系列旨在加强外来移民管理的法规。随着外来移民法的不断完善,俄罗斯的外来移民活动将沿着更加健康的轨道发展,外来移民在俄罗斯经济建设中的作用将越来越明显。     

Norm compliance by proximity: explaining the surge of regional actors in responsibility to protect

International military interventions in Libya and Côte d'Ivoire in 2011 revealed that regional and sub-regional organisations are playing an increasingly active and important role in the implementation of Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). However, the academic and policy analyses of RtoP have not thus far presented any comprehensive model to explain the emergence of regional actors in RtoP. This article develops and applies a four-fold taxonomy, according to which the unique powers of regional actors in initiating and implementing RtoP can be attributed to four types of compliance effects. First, regional actors themselves can directly promote RtoP for either normative or strategic reasons. Second, they can wield either normative or strategic compliance pull on other actors, such as the permanent members of the UN Security Council, which is an indirect but effective way to implement RtoP. As a benefit, this taxonomy reveals the diversity and depth of compliance effects wielded by regional actors in the RtoP process. The powers of regional actors in RtoP are realised on multiple fronts, rather than through a singular channel. This conclusion challenges the whole conception of RtoP by demonstrating that the traditional two-layered idea of RtoP developed in the mainstream literature, according to which RtoP is composed of the levels of international society and its member states, should be replaced with a tri-layered conception which also recognises the emerging middle level of regional actors.