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1.
The dimensions of the crisis generated by the systematic persecution and expulsion of Rohingyas by the Myanmar authorities have been a sustained subject for global debate in these present times. The refusal of the Myanmar government to heed the world's warnings, its obfuscations in the matter of following through on the recommendations of the Annan Commission, and the dogged reluctance of Aung San Suu Kyi, once an ardent advocate of democracy and human rights in her country, to speak up for the Rohingyas have left the international community deeply disappointed. And disturbing too is a report by UN investigators on human rights abuses in Myanmar's Rakhine state. The problem does not look about to be resolved any time soon, with more than 750,000 Rohingyas taking refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh, pushing social dynamics in an already over-populated country to the edge. The fear is that the crisis could fester before getting dangerously out of hand, unless the global community goes for decisive action.  相似文献   
2.
历史上,缅甸政府对若开邦的罗兴亚穆斯林长期执行种族歧视和迫害政策,导致大量罗兴亚人逃往资源并不丰富的穆斯林邻国孟加拉国.背负着难民的身份,罗兴亚人难以从孟加拉国政府得到长期而有效的帮助,因此只能通过挖掘当地自然资源、寻求工作机会和与其他国家穆斯林组织合作而获取生存资本.这极其严重地威胁到孟加拉国的政治、经济、社会和国家安全利益,并破坏了缅孟长久以来的友好关系.  相似文献   
3.
ABSTRACT

The decades-old Rohingya problem, which has affected Myanmar and other Southeast Asia countries, has long been defined in terms of forced migration, statelessness, and humanitarian crisis. As the problems involving Rohingya refugees, forced migrants, and internally displaced persons are commonly believed to have stemmed from the highly discriminatory 1982 Citizenship Law, international advocacy has focused on amending or repealing the law as the ultimate solution. Despite the law's several discriminatory provisions, this article argues that the real problem primarily lies in a lack of implementation by successive Myanmar governments and the Rohingya's arbitrary deprivation of the right to nationality and citizenship documentation.  相似文献   
4.
ABSTRACT

After Myanmar ended military rule in 2011, significant foreign investment arrived to facilitate a profitable transition to an integrated regional economy, and under the promise that foreign actors can help facilitate peaceful long-term development. However, these firms have also tacitly supported an ethnic cleansing committed by the government that most have partnered with or funded. This article builds theory on economic opening, development and conflict, using research from Myanmar to forward three arguments about business actions in fragile, at-risk countries. First, international-led regulatory reform has had little impact on endemic corruption at the micro- or meso-levels, as local elites and international businesses remain the primary beneficiaries. Second, ‘development’ is a contentious topic, defined locally not as broad societal growth but the unjustified picking of winners and losers in society by foreign entities. Third, business ventures are exacerbating ethnic tensions through a liberal peace-building mentality that is unresponsive to either local conflicts or local communities. The article closes by offering three ways that these findings open future research avenues on business engagement as peace-builders and development agents in developing yet fragile states.  相似文献   
5.
ABSTRACT

The recent ethnic tensions in Myanmar especially in the Rakhine state has once again placed the country onto the centre stage of global media attention. The aim of this paper is to look at race relations in contemporary Myanmar with a special focus on the Rohingya community. The paper argues that problematic race relations in the country today should be analysed within a certain historical context and should be seen as part of a historical continuum. This paper places a lot of importance on this historical continuum. In this connection, the British colonial policies of divide and conquer, politicians and their obsession with Buddhism and trying to make it the state religion shortly after independence in 1948, and the xenophobic policies followed by the military junta after 1962 deserve special mention. The paper further argues that the current state of affairs and escalation in violence has happened recently because of the convergence of the activities and ideologies of certain political groups like the military junta, the National League for Democracy, the Arakan League for Democracy, and the role played by certain Buddhist extremist groups like the MaBaTha in Burmese politics. To ease the existing tension in the Rakhine, the central government would need to take a more federally minded approach and introduce meaningful democracy and development in the frontier parts of the country where there is a strong ethnic minority presence.  相似文献   
6.
Employing Aihwa Ong's notion of ‘graduated sovereignty,’ this article problematizes urban displacement in the context of neoliberal citizenship. It follows the experiences of the stateless Rohingya, who, despite their protracted situation in the Klang Valley, are considered as only temporarily residing there. Disqualified from idealized citizenship based on a capitalistic Muslim subjectivity, they are disciplined mainly as low-skilled workers in the realm of the informal economy. Although internalization of neoliberal values (by the more entrepreneurial and capitally endowed Rohingya) allows for more cosmopolitan solidarity with citizens, it still does not lead to citizen subject-making, suggesting racism and racialization in the governmentality of the population. Excluded from neoliberalism, Rohingya life in Malaysia is characterized by multiple taxation and interventions that make long-term residency in Malaysia unsustainable.  相似文献   
7.
ABSTRACT

Refugees are among the most vulnerable populations, often denied rights of residency, treated as hostile intruders, even forced into unsafe camps. This has been particularly true of the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority group which has fled Myanmar by the hundreds of thousands since 2012. Having found little refuge in Bangladesh, the group faces growing fears of involuntary repatriation. This is not the first time that the group has faced forced repatriation. What explains the shortcomings of past repatriations and why does the cycle persist? This paper contends that statelessness is a contributing factor in the continual failure of repatriation processes. An examination of the 1992–1997 repatriation of Rohingya refugees reveals that the condition of statelessness can undermine safeguards often granted to refugees, decrease incentives for refugees to return, and impair opportunities for long-term solutions, while exacerbating state and human security issues. An illustrative case of successful refugee repatriation in Angola suggests that the absence of statelessness can improve prospects for successful repatriation.  相似文献   
8.
This article examines the experience of religious minorities in Myanmar between 2011 and 2017 in the context of the 2008 constitution and a new system of governance. It highlights the precarity of religious minorities and argues that neither the constitution nor the state were reliable sources of protection or redress during this period. The first section considers the multiple identities of religious minorities with regard to citizenship and national belonging. The second section elucidates how an enabling environment for Buddhist nationalism emerged and what types of actions state and non-state actors have taken with regard to religious minorities. The final section addresses the 2008 constitution and rule of law in Myanmar in order to understand the challenges for religious minorities in securing justice and protection.  相似文献   
9.
罗兴伽问题目前成为国际社会关注缅甸的主要议题之一。但是,并没有多少人知道罗兴伽的历史。大多数人并不知道为什么罗兴伽人在极力地把他们的名字从孟加拉人改成罗兴伽人,以及罗兴伽这个名字是怎么出现的。英国殖民者占领若开邦之后,出于政治和经济目的带来了很多的孟加拉人。这是截至目前罗兴伽问题都尚未得到解决的缘起。1948年缅甸独立之后,由于议会政府采取了错误的政策,罗兴伽问题不仅没有得到解决,反而产生了更多的问题。稍后,一些国际组织也介入该问题。本文的写作主要是笔者在若开当地进行的田野调查、访谈和利用了一些原始文件基础上完成的。  相似文献   
10.
杨超 《东南亚纵横》2012,(12):39-45
本文分析在孟加拉国的缅甸罗兴伽(Rohingya)难民问题的形成,以及在难民保护、援助和难民问题治理过程中各个国家、国际组织、地区组织、国际非政府组织等各相关行为体的角色和作用,并通过进一步探讨认为,罗兴伽难民问题需要东盟组织通过创建新的地区难民问题治理机制来解决。  相似文献   
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