收费全文 | 231篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
工业技术 | 235篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2015年 | 1篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 9篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 23篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 6篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 8篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
1935年 | 1篇 |
1922年 | 1篇 |
Background
Changes in smoking, particularly an increase in women, were predicted to follow the aggressive campaigns of multinational tobacco companies in transitional Russia. However, such changes have not yet been demonstrated unequivocally.Objective
To examine smoking trends by gender, education and area of residence.Methods
Data from 10 rounds of the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (1992–2003), consisting of more than 3000 men and 4000 women in each round, were used. The mean reported ages of first smoking in current smokers were compared between 10‐year birth cohorts.Results
Between 1992 and 2003, smoking prevalence doubled among women from 6.9% (95% CI 6.3% to 7.6%) to 14.8% (13.9% to 15.7%) and increased among men from 57.4% (95% CI 56.0% to 58.8%) to 62.6% (61.1% to 64.1%). In both sexes, the rise was significantly greater in the least educated, markedly so in women (a doubling vs a 1.5‐fold rise in the most educated). Although prevalence of smoking among women was considerably higher in Moscow and St Petersburg than in rural areas, the dramatic threefold increase in prevalence in rural women was significantly greater than in the main cities (36%, p<0.001). The mean age of first smoking was significantly lower in women born after 1960, but in men it was stable between cohorts.Conclusions
For the first time, it has been shown unequivocally that smoking among women increased markedly during the transition to a market economy in Russia. The already high prevalence of smoking among men has continued to rise. These changes are likely to reflect the activity of the tobacco industry and provide further evidence of the harms of privatisation. Effective tobacco control policies are urgently needed.The collapse of the Soviet Union led to massive changes in the region''s cigarette industry; state‐owned tobacco monopolies were privatised, and the transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) invested heavily.1 This led to a massive surge in advertising and a change in distribution strategies, which were shown by tobacco industry documents to be targeted particularly at women, young people and those living in cities, and which were accompanied by a weakening in tobacco control legislation as a result of aggressive lobbying by the industry.2,3,4,5 Cigarette consumption across the region increased almost exponentially.6In Russia alone, the TTCs invested approximately US$1.7 billion between 1992 and 2000, gaining a collective market share of over 60% and increasing by fourfold the production capacity in their newly acquired factories.1 Various numbers of new brands were introduced; Japan Tobacco International, for example, introduced eight new brands in 1999 alone.7 Advertising, which had been non‐existent in Soviet times, escalated massively to promote such brands as an indispensable part of the “western lifestyle”.8,9 By the mid 1990s, it was estimated that up to 50% of all billboards in Moscow and 75% of plastic bags in Russia carried tobacco advertising;10 tobacco soon became the product most heavily advertised outdoors, with three major transnationals ranked as the first, second and third heaviest advertisers.11 After the initial targeting of urban areas, industry documents state that the focus was on expanding marketing efforts to other regions of Russia.12,13 Since the transition, tobacco control policies in Russia have largely been dictated by the tobacco industry. In 1995, for example, a new law on advertising was implemented, based on the industry''s voluntary code of conduct,14,15 and changes to the federal bill on Limitation of Tobacco Consumption, signed in 2001, were described by the St Petersburg Times as “a textbook demonstration of the lobbyist''s art”.16Although the tobacco epidemic in men in Russia, as in the rest of the former Soviet Union (FSU), is well established,17 and smoking rates among men have been high for decades, rates have failed to decline, as models of the tobacco epidemic would predict.18,19 In women, the tobacco epidemic is at an earlier stage. Survey data show far higher rates of smoking among young than among older women, particularly in countries targeted by the TTCs, which, combined with comparisons with historical data, suggest an increase in smoking rates among women. However, such an increase is yet to be established unequivocally, as previous efforts to examine these and other trends in the tobacco epidemic have been limited by the lack of truly comparable data and the small sample size of repeated surveys.19,20In addition to the marked changes in the region''s tobacco industry, the need to address these research gaps is underlined by the fact that the accumulated burden of tobacco‐related disease among men <75 years of age in the FSU is the highest in the world.21 More than half of Russian men smoke,19,20 and estimates indicate that smoking presently accounts for nearly half of male deaths and just <4% of female deaths.22 This work will also further efforts to understand the impacts of privatisation of the tobacco industry, which continues to be promoted by the International Monetary Fund.4,18In this paper, we used data from the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS), a large panel study comprising data collected in 10 rounds between 1992 and 2003, to study trends in smoking and to explore in detail the impact of the entry of TTCs on smoking habits. We hypothesised, based largely on the actions of the privatised tobacco companies now active in Russia, that smoking among women would increase, the age of smoking uptake would fall, and that rates of smoking among women in rural areas would tend to increase towards those already observed in urban areas. In men, we predicted little change in smoking rates, but an increase in educational inequalities in smoking. 相似文献Design: Research was conducted through a web based search of internal tobacco industry documents made publicly available through litigation.
Main results: For approximately €1 000 000 Philip Morris (now Altria) became a co-initiator of Living Tomorrow 2, a tourist complex in Belgium that aims to demonstrate how we will be living in the future. In addition to promoting the company and its grocery products, Philip Morris is using the complex and its website to promote ventilation as a means of accommodating smokers and non-smokers in the indoor environment. Particular emphasis was placed on the bar and restaurant areas. Despite the rationale for its involvement, Philip Morris fails to acknowledge its role as a cigarette manufacturer. As a form of corporate sponsorship Philip Morris thought its involvement could evade any European tobacco advertising ban.
Conclusions: Philip Morris is using a tourist attraction to promote its views on control of second hand smoke (SHS) and accommodation of smokers and non-smokers in the indoor environment. However, ventilation does not deal with the health effects of SHS. Policymakers must be cognisant of the devious tactics the industry employs to promote its own agenda, especially in relation to indoor air quality and smoking in public places. Tobacco control legislation should be continually modified and strengthened in response to the changing activities of the tobacco industry as it strives to evade existing legislation and deter the advent of new legislation.
相似文献