明清判牍中的亲属争讼

明清时期,民众为日常小利争讼,甚至发生斗殴命案并不鲜见.对<折狱新语>和<槐卿政迹>中判牍的统计表明,亲属争讼的比例约占三成左右.兄弟、叔嫂、婶侄之间争讼之激烈,让我们很难想象当时的社会存在普遍的伦理约束.同时,宗族权威并没能有效地化解亲属争讼,宗族观念更多地成为侵夺利益的藉口,而不是伦理规范的后盾.因此,明清时期的儒家伦理对民众行为的影响可能需要重新检讨.     

论选举程序的正当性——以正当法律程序原则为视角

正当法律程序原则已由一个抽象的宪法原则演变为一个具有现实指导意义的行为规范。在选举程序中适用正当法律程序原则能够消除选举过程中的任意性,预防非法程序和错误程序的出现,使选举行为沿着最初设定的目标运行。正当法律程序原则要求选举程序具备参与性、公平性、竞争性、公开性、自治性以及裁判的中立性。而这些要求对于解决我国选举制度中的扩大直接选举范围、推行竞争性选举、城乡按人口比例选举人民代表大会代表以及选举诉讼等问题都具有重要的启示意义。     

论人大代表选举机制的完善

选举制度是人大制度的基础,而目前我国人大代表的选举在选举组织、选区划分、候选人的提名和资格审查、竞争性、选民的利益动机等方面存在不足,因此需要进一步完善人大代表的选举机制,如成立固定的选举委员会,改变目前的选区划分办法,改进提名推荐工作,增设代表资格审查,引入竞争机制,强化选举与选民之间的利益联系,逐步扩大直选范围等。     

试论我国选举制度存在的问题及其对策

新中国成立后特别是改革开放以来,我国选举制度逐步完善,对民主政治建设发挥巨大作用.但本文认为目前选举制度还是存在很多问题,主要表现在选举未真正体现平等、直接选举范围有限、没有真正实行差额选举、缺乏竞争机制,不能激发选民的选举积极性.为此,进一步探析解决问题的对策建议,使选举制度更加完善具有重要的意义.     

论我国选举制度的改革与完善

我国现行的选举制度,虽经屡次改革,但仍存不少弊端,直接影响着我国民主政治的进程。改革和完善选举制度刻不容缓。本文笔者从扩大直接选举范围、竞争性选举、改进候选人提名、缩小城乡代表所代表的人口比例、完善选举诉讼和监察机制五个方面提出相应的建议和措施。     

行政诉讼制度三论

<正> 建立高度民主、高度法治的社会主义国家,是党中央提出的我国长期的战略目标。建立、健全行政争讼制度以保障和促进民主政治与法治行政,则是完成这一伟大战略目标的一个重要步骤。一、私诉公的案件是行政诉讼的基本构成行政诉讼是以国家行政机关为一方或双方的、在国家行政机关实施行政管理职能中出现的争讼。严格地说,行政争讼有多种情况:不仅有少数公诉公的案件,如国家行政机关之间的权限争议案件;也有少数公诉私的案件,如国家行政机关在对方当事人既不执行自己的行政决定又不在法定期限内提起行政争讼时,依法提请司     

行政复议与诉讼关系简论

“行政复议”是行政法学研究的重要范畴，但同时它也是行政诉讼法学的基本概念。在解决行政争议的法律救济途径中，行政复议与行政诉讼共同构成我国完整的行政争讼制度，两者在范围、当事人、裁决方式方面有许多相似之处。当然，作为解决行政争议的两种不同的制度，行政复...     

从王春立案看选举权的司法救济

王春立案包含不少宪法问题。我国公民选举权救济中存在救济范围窄、程序定位偏、法律责任简、监督力度弱、裁判组织缺、后续手段无等七个缺陷。人民法院应设立选举法庭受理选举纠纷案件,实现选举权的司法救济。条件成熟时,可将选举诉讼纳入宪法诉讼,通过附带性审查实现权利保护。     

选举及其相关权利研究——兼议我国的选举制度及立法实践

选举权是公民最基本的政治权利,选举制度是宪政体制的重要组成部分。在近现代西方民主宪政理论中,选举被视为市民社会和政治国家之间最基本的联系途径,也是程序民主的基础。当前我国的选举制度及立法实践在选举的程序设计、法律调整的范围以及相关的配套制度方面存在较多漏洞,立法机关理应全面审查现行选举法中存在的缺陷,进行全面的修改。     

论如何发展党内民主

发展党内民主,对于促进我党的科学执政和防止党员滥用权力具有十分重要的作用。本文认为应该从规范选举程序、扩大直接选举的范围、改进选举人的提名方式、在党内选举中推行竞争机制、明确党代会的地位、设立党代会的常设机构等措施入手,切实推进党内民主建设,通过改革和完善党内选举制度、实行人大代表常任制等方式扩大党内民主。     

The Conditional Effect of Electoral Systems and Intraparty Candidate Selection Processes on Parties' Behavior

How do electoral systems and intraparty candidate selection procedures affect party unity? In this article, I distinguish theoretically and empirically between electoral systems and candidate selections and argue that the influence of selection processes on parties' behavior is conditional on electoral system (and vice versa). Measuring parties' unity using Rice and weighted Rice scores, and applying hierarchical models to a new data set of 249 parties in 24 countries, I find support for the claim that the influence of selection processes on behavior is greater under electoral systems that encourage personal vote‐seeking incentives than under electoral systems that encourage party centeredness.     

Election-less or non-election democracy: a missing link in finding permanent solutions to the problem of electoral malpractices in the politics of Nigeria

The Nigerian Government has taken measures to address the problem of electoral malpractices in the politics of Nigeria. This article examines the problem of electoral malpractices in the politics of Nigeria. The research methodology adopted is mainly doctrinal analysis of applicable primary and secondary sources. It is the author’s view that governmental efforts to address the problem of electoral malpractices, as represented by these measures, have not yielded the desired results, as electoral malpractices continue unabated in the politics of Nigeria. The author suggests, among other recommendations, that the Nigerian Government should adopt election-less or non-election democracy.     

Integración de las autoridades electorales: (re)construcción jurisdiccional de un derecho por el tepjf

This article offers a diagnosis about the jurisdictional protection of the right to be a member of the local electoral authorities, which was included on the law since the 2008’s electoral reform. It presents also, an explanation of the different judicial mechanisms to control the processes of renovation of the electoral authorities that exist in the states. The objective of this essay is reconstruct the content of this right, throughout the sentences of the Electoral Court, but also, question the argumentations that the electoral judges have used to solve those cases. Practically, no work in the mexican literature has been written about the right to be a member of the electoral authorities, and that´s why this article represents a first outline to understand this topic.     

扩大人大直接选举范围的思考

人大直接选举范围关系到一个国家的民主程度,当前我们有必要对我国选举法规定的直接选举范围进行扩大。本文首先阐明直接选举的含义,其次分析我国现行有关人大直接选举范围的法律规定及其缺陷,再次从几个方面论述扩大人大直接选举范围的必要性,最后提出扩大直接选举范围的设想。     

European Parliament and representation of the Union's citizens: What can be expected from electoral law from a democratic standpoint?

In some Member States, doctrine and case law of national courts have highlighted that, under currently applicable European electoral law, elections to the EP are of a second-order, whereby European issues give way to purely domestic ones. In any event, this does not hinder the position of the EP as a genuine legislative chamber, which, above all, demands effects from electoral law that it cannot provide, since the intensity with which an election is experienced depends on circumstances external to the system itself. What electoral law can guarantee instead is the periodic holding of free elections. And that requires ensuring that the EP is appointed by the free expression of the opinion of all (and only) European citizens; that the weight of the vote is determined by rational criteria; that the electoral formula allows access to significant political currents; and that the “rule of law” is respected in the electoral process.     

Selection and Incentives in the Electoral Security‐Constituency Communication Relationship

The relative importance of selection and incentives is essential for understanding how elections structure politicians’ behavior. I investigate the relative magnitudes of these two effects in the context of US House members’ constituency communication. Consistent with previous research, I find that there is a negative cross‐sectional relationship between electoral security and the intensity of constituency communication. The negative relationship holds in a panel‐data setting where only within‐legislator variation in electoral security is used to identify the effect of electoral security on legislator behavior. Due to the likely presence of myopic voters, the impact of electoral security increases as the election approaches. Point estimates suggest that the total effect is almost entirely driven by incentives, and I am able to reject the hypothesis that the incentive effect is zero at conventional levels of statistical significance.     

Suppressing Vote-Buying: the ‘War’ on Electoral Bribery from 1868

Electoral bribery is an ancient phenomenon, but its manifestations and pathologies can only be understood in the context of particular electoral norms and political practices. The spark for electoral bribery in the Westminster tradition was the shift from parliamentary service as a duty to a privilege, whilst its paradigm forms of treating and crude vote-buying are traceable to a shift from buying a seat to buying the voters. The gradual move from cultural acceptance to legislative and ethical condemnation of electoral bribery is attributable to a concern with the rising cost of elections and developing notions of fair electoral competition. This article focuses on the seminal period in the ‘war’ on electoral bribery from 1868 to the early twentieth century, giving a taxonomy of the various forms of bribery and judicial responses to them, as well as an explanation of the role played by statutory developments. The ultimate success of this war on corruption is shown to lie in a confluence of politico-legal techniques – election courts, tighter legislation, the secret ballot and the mass franchise – and institutional developments, in particular the rise of centralised, professional parties.     

Ethnic Group Representation in a Cross-National Comparison

This paper compares the levels of ethnic group representation in parliament in 95 democracies. The analyses are comparative in nature, breaking with the literature where single country studies are the norm. Considering both electoral and cultural variables, the results cast doubt on whether the role of the electoral system in shaping political representation is dominant. In contrast to what much of the literature suggests, once controlling for the ethnic make-up of society and cultural attitudes, electoral aspects seem of little significance. Levels of ethnic group representation are best explained with cultural variables, in particular liberal attitudes towards marginalised groups in society.     

How the Party Can Win in Personal Vote Systems: The “Selectoral Connection” and Legislative Voting in Lithuania

Electoral rules can motivate politicians to cultivate a “personal vote” through their legislative voting records. However, I argue that candidate‐selection procedures have the ability to overpower these electoral incentives. This study—the first systematic study of how candidate selection and electoral rules interact—takes advantage of Lithuania's unique mixed electoral rules and fortuitous candidate‐selection procedures. Regardless of electoral rules, MPs whose future careers depend on getting renominated by central party leaders vote against the party less than those whose careers do not. This evidence of a “selectoral connection” suggests candidate‐selection procedures must be studied much more seriously.     

Multiple Principals and Legislative Cohesion

In many systems, legislators find themselves accountable to multiple principals. This article seeks to further answer how legislators decide between their principals and what factors condition legislators to choose one over the other. We argue that electoral uncertainty, operationalized as electoral volatility, pushes legislators towards the principal that has the greatest influence over their re‐election. Using European Parliament electoral results and roll‐call data from the second to the sixth European Parliaments (1984–2009), we show that increases in electoral volatility decreased European group cohesion and pushed legislators to side more with the positions of their national parties over their European group when the two disagreed.