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Higher education participation in Northern Ireland is higher than England and Wales and second only to Scotland. This paper charts the progress of participation and examines its social characteristics. Uniquely within the UK, approximately one-third of Northern Ireland entrants come from working class backgrounds. Catholic and female participation has also increased significantly but the participation of mature entrants is lower than in the rest of the UK. High participation levels have been achieved, however, by large numbers of entrants leaving to study in Scotland and England. There is a significant undersupply of higher education places in Northern Ireland when compared with either Scotland or Wales. With the costs of higher education being increasingly borne by individual students and their families there is already evidence that more students would prefer to remain in Northern Ireland to study. Increasing pressure on places is driving up A-level entry requirements and many students are forced to leave Northern Ireland to study or not to study in higher education. These developments threaten the advances made by particular social groups. Lifting the MASN cap in Northern Ireland is a significant policy objective.  相似文献   

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This paper reviews the provision of higher education courses in the further education sector in Northern Ireland. It charts the evolution of policy through the 1990s by examining major policy documents. It notes the chronic absence of reliable statistical and research evidence during this period. The available statistical evidence is reviewed. Key themes are identified including: localism, ‘non‐evidence based policy making’, higher education versus the demand for skills and community relations and equality. The innovative concept, now it would appear doomed, of the Springvale campus for west Belfast is examined. Finally, the paper notes that there is an urgent need to provide strategic direction to the further education sector as a whole.  相似文献   

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The higher education sector in Northern Ireland has been fully involved in the public policies designed to enhance equality. Starting with measures designed to secure greater employment between Catholics and Protestants, known as fair employment, the policies are now designed to promote equality of opportunity across nine designated groups together with the promotion of ‘good relations’ on the grounds of religion and race. The paper examines the implementation of this new policy framework in the universities and suggests that progress to date has been fairly limited.  相似文献   

5.
Higher Education and Fair Employment in Northern Ireland   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
As equal opportunities are assuming greater significance in higher education this paper examines the issue of fair employment in the two universities in Northern Ireland. The development of higher education and the evolution of fair employment policy which seeks to promote greater equality of opportunity in employment between Protestants and Catholics, are outlined. The employment practices and profiles of Northern Ireland's two universities are considered. Under the 1989 Fair Employment Act employment monitoring is a legal requirement for the two universities. The paper concludes by noting that other UK higher education institutions should undertake monitoring as a means of implementing equal opportunities policy.  相似文献   

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This paper summarises some of the key characteristics of access to and participation in higher education. In particular, it focuses on the key social characteristics of participation and the interaction with migration to study outside Northern Ireland. Key policy areas relating to student finance and widening access are also considered. The paper also reports on qualitative research conducted with Protestant and Catholic pupils from less well‐off backgrounds about attitudes to further and higher education. The paper concludes by suggesting higher education policy issues for a newly restored devolved administration.  相似文献   

7.
Citizenship Education in Northern Ireland: Beyond national identity?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The introduction of citizenship education to the curriculum of all schools in Northern Ireland is one way of underpinning a long-term commitment to democratic politics as part of a fragile peace process. However, the concept of citizenship requires careful consideration in a society where there are different loyalties that give rise to conflict over the future constitutional status of the society itself. Neither British nor Irish national identity provides the basis for a 'patriotic' model of citizenship that could be accepted in all schools. This article describes the commitments and confidence-building measures contained in the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement and its implications for developing a concept of citizenship that might transcend the two main nationalisms that exist in Northern Ireland.  相似文献   

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How education systems operate in divided societies is an increasingly important question for academics and educational practitioners as well as for governments. The question is particularly pertinent in post‐conflict societies, where education is a key mechanism for resolving conflict between divided communities. Using Northern Ireland as a case study, this article sheds new light on the role of education in conflict resolution by examining the long‐term impact of segregated and integrated education on attitudes towards community relations and levels of contact between the Protestant and Catholic communities. The results suggest that individuals who had attended an integrated school are significantly more likely to have friends and neighbours from across the religious divide and that these friendship networks translate into a more optimistic view of future community relations. This is not the case, however, when kinship networks are considered. The evidence from Northern Ireland suggests that the education system can be a source of both conflict and cohesion depending on the nature of the school system as well as the particular source of division to be addressed.  相似文献   

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The events in North Belfast surrounding the children of Holy Cross Primary School have reminded us all, graphically, of how long and tortuous the path to lasting peace in Northern Ireland might be. In this very timely article, the author describes his practice-based research aimed at informing the processes of school improvement for peace and reconciliation. The analysis involves an exploration of the contribution that professional educational psychology might make to community relations education and to the broader project of inclusion and social reconstruction in Northern Ireland. The present article intends to contribute towards local debate concerning a reappraisal of the educational psychologist role. Furthermore, to be relevant to all educational psychologists who are interested in the contribution of schooling towards improved intergroup relationships and peace education.  相似文献   

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Countries with similar levels of economic development often implement different education ICT policies. Much of the existing research attributes such differences to economic and political factors. In this paper, we examine the development of ICT policy and implementation in the two parts of Ireland and in two Canadian provinces and find that historical, social and cultural differences also play an important role in the way ICT policies develop. In particular, we see differing historical perceptions of the role of the state and church in education playing a more important role than has hitherto been recognized.  相似文献   

11.
This paper was presented at the Gargnano seminar. It presents an analysis of the reform of teacher education in Northern Ireland from 1992 to 1995. It points to similarities and differences with developments in England and Wales and describes in detail the debate on partnership teacher education up to June 1995. The focus of the paper is on policy development in N.I. and on the interactions between the main players involved in advising government and implementing policy. The positions taken up by the Government, the HE institutions, the schools and the Northern Ireland Teacher Education Committee are described. The approach taken by the University of Ulster in the planning and delivery of social work training in N.I. is used as an exemplar of partnership building worthy of examination by the teaching profession. The paper concludes with a short section (written in September 1996) which brings the reader up to date on some major developments, including a “step back from the brink”.  相似文献   

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北爱尔兰冲突有其深刻的政治和历史原因,根深蒂固的民族和宗教矛盾、缺少共同的政治目标以及冲突双方对权利划分的分歧是北爱问题的症结所在.幸运的是在世纪之交,和平的力量在不断增强.虽然永久和平的路可能是艰难曲折的,但毕竟坚冰已破,曙光已经初现.  相似文献   

17.
Racist attitudes towards, and attacks on, the minority ethnic populations in Northern Ireland (NI) have increased dramatically over the last number of years. Despite the increased media attention regarding racist attacks, the fallacy that racism is not a major problem in NI is an enduring one. However, there is a growing recognition that minority ethnic communities experience a diverse range of racial harassment. Education is a mode promoted by national and European governments as the vehicle in which anti-racism programmes can be delivered. This article suggests the impending introduction of a statutory citizenship education (CE) component to the revised NI curriculum from September 2007 can play an important role in tackling the high levels of racism being experienced by the minority ethnic population in NI.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Special education in Ireland can be understood only against the background of the general system of education which is briefly described at the beginning of this article. While some special provision dates back to the nineteenth century the great expansion of services has happened in the past 30 years. The form of provision reflects the characteristics of the general system. Ireland has no legislation governing special education and the future is not easy to read just now.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

The Good Friday Agreement (1998) between the UK and Irish governments, and most of the political parties in Northern Ireland, heralded a significant step forward in securing peace and stability for this troubled region of the British Isles. From the new-found stability, the previous fits and starts of education reform were replaced by a determination for modernisation and innovation, infused with a new energy and momentum. This sense of purpose embraced a complex weave of ideas and ideals; all designed variously to smooth, celebrate and harness community differences for the collective good. Much progress has been made in the intervening years since 1998, particularly in political structures and relationships. However, the euphoria of the new dawn of the Agreement had barely begun to shape the future before entrenched ‘tribal’ tensions reproduced the same political and legislative impasses of former years and visited their all-too-familiar blight on the economic, cultural and educational landscapes. This paper focuses on two signature dimensions of education that have been sustained by this partisanship: segregation by religion and segregation by academic selection.  相似文献   

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Abstract

By reflecting on a variety of cartoon representations of teachers and their work, this paper outlines a semiotic approach to undertaking research on teachers’ professional cultures.  相似文献   

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