民粹派产生原因浅探

1861年的农奴制改革开始了俄国向近代社会转变的历程，迈入近代社会的路径并非只资本主义一条，俄国也没有注定要走资本主义道路，正如俄国没有历经古典奴隶制而直入封建社会一样。民粹派主张俄国走一条独特的、非资本主义道路，并为此进行了轰轰烈烈的革命斗争。在19世纪70年代，民粹派的革命活动构成了俄国革命运动的主流。在马克思主义登上俄国历史舞台后，民粹主义运动逐渐让位于无产阶级的解放运动，但民粹派的思想主张并没有消失，还在俄国社会长期存在。有学者认为社会革命党的纲领具有浓厚的民粹主义色彩；①还有学者认为，民粹派对…     

俄国社会革命党建党基础述评

俄国社会革命党是俄国资本主义条件下发展起来的民粹派政党。它吸收传统民粹派和马克思主义、伯恩施坦学说,形成自己社会革命主义的建党理论。社会革命党观点矛盾、组织松散、策略幼稚,是俄国从传统到现代过渡时期社会的不成熟性在政党上的反映。虽如此,社会革命党仍不失为一个代表农民利益,兼顾部分工人和知识分子利益的革命政党。     

俄国民粹派文学研究现状述评

俄国民粹派文学是俄国文学的重要组成部分,由此得到俄国学者、欧美斯拉夫学者和中国学者的关注。在俄罗斯,对民粹派文学的研究比较充分,主要是从文学、美学、史学、社会学等角度展开的;在欧美斯拉夫学界,对民粹派文学的研究并没有形成一个单独的体系,只是经由史学或者社会政治学等学科交叉进行的;与国外的民粹派文学研究相比,中国学界的民粹派文学研究尚显不足,这种研究的不足与民粹派文学的美学价值、史料价值及其文学史意义是不协调的。     

民粹派的理论实质及其对俄国现代化出路的理论探索

自19世纪中叶以来,在对俄国现代化出路的探索中,民粹派提出了一条既不同于斯拉夫派也不同于西方派的探索路向.民粹派思想家重视对民众的启蒙,主张在消灭封建农奴制与资本主义制度的基础上,实现以社会公平与正义为目标,以村社为依托的理想政治图景.民粹派对俄国现代化出路的独特探索,成为日后白银时代宗教哲学家对俄国现代化出路探索的重要参照.     

论俄国民粹主义革命急进派的政治纲领

本文通过对俄国民粹主义革命急进派政治纲领的论析,阐明了布尔什维主义同俄国民粹主义的历史联系和继承关系.以特卡乔夫为代表的俄国民粹派的革命急进主义是俄国革命民粹主义的三大流派之一.该派自称"雅各宾党",是在19世纪60年代革命运动的影响下,在70年代"到民间去"运动失败后,为寻找新的革命出路而产生的一个革命派别.该派出于对资本主义"火焰"行将烧毁农村公社的恐惧,主张立即"直接采取革命行动",通过密谋、暴力手段夺取政权.为此,主张建立集中统一的、下级服从上级的,具有严格纪律、保持绝对秘密单线联系的"革命党";该党应在夺取政权后运用国家政权的力量,对社会进行改造,通过共同使用生产工具和共同劳动的公社直接过渡到社会主义.革命导师列宁及其战友曾各处搜集并精心研究了特卡乔夫的文献和著作,他认为,"这位作家无疑比其他人更接近我们的观点".     

俄国现代化道路探索——试析俄国社会革命党土地社会化纲领的命运

二十世纪初俄国社会党的土地社会化纲领，是社会革命党对传统民粹派思想的继承与发展，是从农民经济角度对俄国农业现代化道路的一种理论尝试与探索。它的提出使俄国民粹主义运动达到了一个新境界，为社会革命党适应变化了的革命形势，赢得农民的支持与拥护，为该党发展成为俄国第一大政治党派作了准备。自该纲领出台以来，俄国社会革命党人为了它的实现不断奋斗，但终究由于各种原因而未得以具体落实。虽然社会革命党土地社会化纲领最终并未真正实现，但其所包涵的积极意义和合理性因素不可抹杀，它们对俄国乃至世界其它后发国家的现代化进程都具有深刻的启示作用。     

19世纪俄国革命激进主义及其根源

在俄国社会酝酿深刻变革的 1 9世纪上半期 ,俄国知识分子群体中形成了主张以革命和暴力方式改造社会的激进思想流派。农奴制改革前后 ,激进倾向超出了思想活动的范围 ,发展成为反抗现实的社会运动。 70年代 ,暴力和恐怖手段成为革命激进主义的主要标志。在俄国革命激进主义的文化根源中 ,既有当时西方政治文化的因素 ,也有俄国思想传统和东正教精神的成分。而其社会根源则主要是知识分子群体的成长、社会矛盾的尖锐化以及俄国政治制度对知识分子的压制。 1 9世纪俄国知识分子革命激进主义的形成和发展 ,揭开了 2 0世纪初期俄国革命的序幕。     

苏维埃与俄国十月革命

苏维埃是俄国工人阶级在1905年革命中创建的,到二月革命后它得到了长足的发展,并且成为俄国十月革命成功的一个重要因素。本文论证了苏维埃与俄国十月革命胜利之间的联系,并论述了列宁是从什么意义上高度评价苏维埃这个新生事物的。     

1917年俄国革命的根源

俄国现代化进程的结构失衡造成的系统性危机，是导致俄国革命的客观前提。第一次革命迫使沙皇政权进行改革，但斯托雷平体制的失败造成了危机加剧的形势，酝酿了新的革命。第一次世界大战激化了既有矛盾，与此有关的一系列事件把俄国弓l向1917年革命。     

俄国激进革命知识分子的特征及其影响

俄国激进革命知识分子是近代俄国独特历史道路的产物，他们的思想和道德包含着深刻矛盾。以他们为主体的革命激进主义思潮和运动表达了俄国社会部分精英对国家发展道路的一种选择，对俄国解放运动和俄国社会的发展产生了双重影响。     

1861—1917年间俄国革命的起因

从1861年到1917年十月革命前夕,沙俄帝国充满了矛盾和反差现象,新生的政治力量和革命知识分子始终被禁锢在一个专制的僵化政体中。但专制与反专制的斗争没有停止,俄罗斯人民的革命传统得到发杨。     

美国与拉美民粹主义的主要区别与左右分野

民粹主义在美国和拉美地区具有不同的发生和发展史。与在拉美不同,民粹主义在美国起源时间较早,但发生频率较低,持续时间较短,彼此关联性不强,影响程度较弱,激进程度较轻。特朗普式的民粹主义在很大程度上体现了美国民粹主义的“拉美化”倾向。民粹主义在美国和拉美有很明显的左右分野,左翼民粹主义在拉美长期占据主流,右翼民粹主义在美国则是主要形式。在与何种类型的左右翼结合、是否与民族主义结盟、集权程度等多个方面,这两个地区的左右翼民粹主义也存在较大差别。目前,美国和拉美的左右翼民粹主义正在同时崛起。特朗普的民粹主义可谓集美国的左右翼民粹,尤其是极右翼民粹主义之大成。民粹主义说到底是民主政治的民粹化,源于大众民主政治的内生问题。美拉民粹主义的重要差异,主要来自两个地区不同的政治文化传统和选举民主机制,以及民主体制不同性质和程度的政治衰败。美拉民粹主义左右分野的背后,实质上是公民的基本权利保障不彰所致。具体而言,是自由议程与平等议程之间的张力以及由此导致的社会主要矛盾的不同。因此,必须认真对待左右翼民粹主义,加强制度建设,提高国家治理能力,同时还应积极参与全球治理。     

The ambivalence of populism: threat and corrective for democracy

Two images of populism are well-established: it is either labelled as a pathological political phenomenon, or it is regarded as the most authentic form of political representation. In this article I argue that it is more fruitful to categorize populism as an ambivalence that, depending on the case, may constitute a threat to or a corrective for democracy. Unfolding my argument, I offer a roadmap for the understanding of the diverse and usually conflicting approaches to studying the relation between populism and democracy. In particular, three main approaches are identified and discussed: the liberal, the radical and the minimal. I stress that the latter is the most promising of them for the study of the ambivalent relationship between populism and democracy. In fact, the minimal approach does not imply a specific concept of democracy, and facilitates the undertaking of cross-regional comparisons. This helps to recognize that populism interacts differently with the two dimensions of democracy that Robert Dahl distinguished: while populism might well represent a democratic corrective in terms of inclusiveness, it also might become a democratic threat concerning public contestation.     

The Rose Revolution: A Revolution without Revolutionaries?

In this investigation of the sources of the Rose Revolution in Georgia in November 2003 and presentation of the challenges the new leadership faces, the author argues that there are four contexts to the Georgian revolutionary events of 2003: first, a popular and romantic yearning among Georgians for union with Europe; second, the dismal failings of the Shevardnadze regime; third, the combined impact of global economic models and Westernisation in Georgia; and, fourth, the Soviet legacy. The role of civil society organisations, though important, was not vital to the success of the Rose Revolution. The manner in which the new leadership has tackled state-building challenges suggests the pro-Western revolution is still in a radical phase, with the imperative of state consolidation often overriding Western models of due process and democratic governance. The direction of the revolution – toward greater liberalism or radical populism – will have a major impact on regional politics and on the policies of both the US and the EU in the region.     

The Global Political Economy of Right-wing Populism: Deconstructing the Paradox

ABSTRACT

The rise of right-wing populism should be studied as a truly global phenomenon. Domestic and regional contexts are obviously crucial, yet a narrow focus on the domestic realm fails to capture some of the key constituents and paradoxical features of the rise and resilience of right-wing populist projects around the world. Therefore, right-wing populism and the way its contradictions are ‘managed’ ought to be understood within the context of mutual interactions between: 1) an economy-identity nexus and 2) a domestic-foreign policy nexus. A critical review of six controversial aspects of right-wing populism in the global North and global South is used to substantiate this main argument.     

Foundations of an Authoritarian Populism in an International Context

The rise of populism, and its subsequent challenge to liberal democratic institutions, is an ongoing feature of twenty-first century global politics. The author contends that providing college students with theoretical tools to untangle the relationship between the logic and practices of domestic populist political movements and liberal democratic institutions empowers them to analyze critically those challenges and consider the extent to which populism is indicative of prior institutional failure. The work of Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto Laclau are used to develop a model of populism appropriate for advanced undergraduate international relations students. The cases of the Tea Party, Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, Victor Orbán’s rise in Hungary demonstrate the dynamics of the model and its relevance to the study of international relations and foreign policy.     

Where Trotsky's Train Comes From: A Literary Scholar's View of a Revolutionary's Biography

The article discusses the autobiography of Leon Trotsky (published by Bronshtein in 1930) from a psychoanalytic angle. Trotsky the revolutionary leader was a key figure in the October 1917 coup, and a statesman second only to Lenin in the early years of the Soviet regime. The article concentrates on Trotsky's departure from Judaism and evolution toward Christianity. The author sees this drift as parallel to Trotsky's transition from the Jewish bourgeoisie to the Russian proletariat. The next step in this process of denationalization would be Trotsky's embracing of world revolution. Bolshevik terror became for Trotsky a form of emancipation from his personal past.     

Revolutionary Power and Socialization: Explaining the Persistence of Revolutionary Zeal in Iran's Foreign Policy

Why do states stay revolutionary for so long? The question of why and how some political players of a country successfully pursue a revisionist strife against the status quo has neither theoretically nor empirically received systematic attention. I use a current policy issue, the crisis regarding Iran, as a single-case study to examine the issue. This article argues that answers are found in the interconnected realms of domestic politics and revolutionary ideas. In Iranian politics specifically, it is both the ideological conservative faction's occupation of key constitutional positions and pursuit of revolutionary ideas, which have caused the recurring and large degree of revolutionary zeal. In turn, this has had a significant effect on the extent of the Islamic Republic's socialization to regional and international politics.     

奥斯曼、伊斯兰还是土耳其?——浅析土耳其独立运动的革命话语问题

土耳其革命史把1919～1923年间在安纳托利亚发生的革命斗争定性为一场为了建立土耳其共和国而进行的民族独立运动。这种革命意识形态主导下的史观忽略了当时历史情形的复杂性,带有很强的革命目的论色彩。在安纳托利亚的革命阵营中,存在着对奥斯曼王朝、伊斯兰教或土耳其民族等不同身份的忠诚,以及对所有这些忠诚的混合;更多人是忠于苏丹-哈里发的,并非一开始就有建立独立的土耳其国家的明确目标。以凯末尔为首的共和主义者为了其革命目的和统一战线的需要,不得不暂时与强大的保守势力妥协。