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1.
鉴于日本对华公共外交因中日两国间的历史问题和海洋权益争端问题而逐步凸显出相应的实施困境,长期以来日本对华公共外交处于持续低迷的状态。日本对华公共外交的实施困境表现为内外制约性、迟滞性、顽固性与整体失调性。随着日本对华公共外交实施困境的长期延续,其在对华政策与中日关系方面的作用随之显现,并伴有扩散效应。对于实现日本对华公共外交的破解,日本需要积极改善对华政策中的相关节点,为中日关系真正的发展做出必要的准备与贡献。  相似文献   

2.
刘丽 《德国研究》2013,(1):73-83,127
公共外交是提升国家软实力的重要途径。以微博为代表的新媒体,凭借其开放性、即时性、互动性和海量传播性成为各国对华公共外交的热门平台。本文对德国驻华大使馆在新浪网站开通的微博进行检视,采用数据统计和文本分析的方法,考察微博的内容、形式和效果,探究新媒体环境下德国如何通过微博外交提升软实力。  相似文献   

3.
在今天中国与东南亚国家间越来越频繁和多样化的交流活动中,东南亚各国的对华友好协会是这个地区发展对华关系的重要民间桥梁,而华人精英则不同程度地在各自的协会中扮演着重要角色。他们有的在前台起主导作用,有的在幕后起主导作用,有的担任辅佐角色,也有协会华人尚处于缺位状态。在中国与东南亚国家的公共外交中,各国的对华友好协会可以作为公共外交的平台发挥积极作用。  相似文献   

4.
两德统一后,鉴于自身实力进一步增强,德国开始在亚太地区加大外交战略部署和投入。为使国家利益最大化,德国在亚洲各国大力经营公共外交战略,特别是在冷战后经济高速增长、地缘政治地位凸显的东南亚国家。德国积极开展与东南亚的公共外交首先是出于自身经济利益的考虑,其次是想通过插手东南亚事务提升国际话语权与制衡中国影响力。德国对东南亚地区的公共外交主要表现为以下几个特点:通过履行企业社会责任传播企业文化;通过国际教育合作培养亲德人才;通过落实对外援助措施彰显大国担当。德国对东南亚开展公共外交势必对中国产生影响:加剧东南亚地区形势的复杂性;增大"一带一路"倡议推进的压力,且有可能损害中国与东南亚国家之间的战略互信。对此,中国需要借鉴德国经验,加强在东南亚的软实力建设,并注意谋划与德国有共同利益的外交活动,促进中德间的良性互动以及在东南亚各国更深层次的合作。  相似文献   

5.
在全球化、信息化和民主化时代,对外决策深受民众和媒体的影响.日本民众对中国日益增长的不亲近感成为发展中日关系的重要障碍.对日公共外交旨在通过开展信息传播和文化交流活动加深日本民众对中国的认识和理解,改善其对华态度.本文探讨了开展对日公共外交的主要内容、可采取的措施和应注意的问题.  相似文献   

6.
二战后日本对华外交的基点,在经济利益、地缘政治、意识形态等多种因素之间徘徊.冷战结束后,日本对华外交中的意识形态因素反倒变得更加浓厚.这种局面在安倍内阁的"价值观外交"中达到一个高潮,而在福田内阁时期重新进入低潮.21世纪日本的对华外交究竟将做出何种抉择?目前日本还在几种选择方案之间动摇和彷徨.  相似文献   

7.
文章回溯了近年来印度莫迪政府对华外交策略的表现和成效,将莫迪政府的对华外交总结概述为"问题外交",其要旨在于印度把中印关系解构为若干具体问题,就这些问题向中国提出诉求,将中国对这些问题的回复是否符合印度的意愿作为衡量中国对印度尊重程度以及对中印关系重视程度的标准,并以此为依据确定下一轮对华外交行动。文章总结了莫迪政府对华"问题外交"的基本特点,即不关心整体状态、不担心中方报复、不考虑对等性质、不长期纠缠具体分歧的"四不"特征。进而,文章讨论了印度对华心态和其"问题外交"策略之间的关联,认为莫迪政府对华的"问题外交"策略源自于,印度认为目前中印关系的实力对比难以在所有领域取得外交突破,但在中印双边战略中,中国投入资源的决心和意志明显弱于印度;与此同时,印度预判国际环境对自己采取对华机会主义策略的形势有利,并对未来两国实力横向比较持对己方更为乐观的预期。上述因素促使印度对华采取与其实力不相称的攻势策略。文章最后重点分析了莫迪政府对华"问题外交"思维对印度参与"一带一路"的态度的影响,认为在印度对"一带一路"倡议的性质和中方意图心存疑虑的情况下,中国能否消除印度的疑虑实际上并不取决于中国对印度的政策取向以及成效,而是"一带一路"在南亚其他国家所取得的具体成果。  相似文献   

8.
德国对华直接投资的发展,经历了不同的阶段,在不同时期表现出不同的特征.本文拟以20世纪80年代以来德国对华直接投资的基本资料为线索,对德国对华直接投资的总量变化、结构特征、影响因素等进行定性或定量的分析,并在此基础上,探讨了德国对华直接投资的发展趋势.  相似文献   

9.
王道征 《德国研究》2023,(6):30-50+147
近年来,德国南海政策调整越发明显。政治层面,德国除了在欧盟框架内发声,还越来越频繁地就南海问题独立表态;外交层面,德国与南海周边国家的合作由经贸合作向安全议题合作拓展;军事层面,德国海军的南海地区行动从谨慎克制向追求积极有为转变。德国南海政策调整的原因是多样的,既有国家层面安全和外交政策转型的驱动,也有地区层面国家竞争和区域利益的共同作用,还有国际层面的威胁认知和“全球力量”身份塑造的推动。然而,德国政治精英的立场分歧、军事能力和社会民意的限制、价值观外交路线和对华经贸关系的制约,都将成为德国深度介入南海问题的阻碍因素。中国应密切关注德国南海政策动向,在稳固双边经济贸易关系,拓展在人为气候变化、海洋污染、能源转型等议题合作的基础上,推动中德关系朝健康稳定方向发展。  相似文献   

10.
当前,中国高度重视对东盟公共外交,在合作性公共外交方面取得了一定的发展和成就,但在竞争性公共外交方面还有一些亟待解决的问题,在危机性公共外交方面仍面临诸多挑战。进一步合理有效地发展对东盟公共外交,有助于我国推进周边外交和"一带一路"倡议,加强周边合作和增强竞争优势,妥善处理危机和解决热点问题。为此,中国应加强与东盟的互动,促进合作性公共外交的发展;提升在东盟的影响力,增强在竞争性公共外交上的优势;精心设计对东盟的危机性公共外交,妥善处理危机。进一步明确对东盟公共外交的发展方向,可以为中国和平崛起营造健康、稳定、繁荣的发展环境。  相似文献   

11.
为提高韩国国家形象和国际地位,适应国际外交环境的变化,李明博政府确立了文化外交向公共外交转换的发展战略,并通过各种途径,积极开展公共外交的实践活动,其中有许多值得我们借鉴的经验。但是,近些年韩国与中国民间关系龃龉丛生的现实,却折射了韩国公共外交进一步发展的深层障碍。如何超越障碍是韩国公共外交面临的重要课题。  相似文献   

12.
自韩中两国建交以来,韩中两国文化外交取得了巨大的成就。但是时至今日,韩中两国的文化外交也受到诸多制约因素的挑战,本文针对当前韩中文化外交存在的主要问题以及这些问题背后的深层根源进行了分析,并提出了具有针对性的建议,作者认为韩中两国应该从战略高度积极协调双方文化外交,并且要妥善处理历史认知问题和重新审视两国的大众传播媒体在塑造和服务于韩中文化外交过程中所扮演的角色,同时韩国政府要积极改善韩中两国文化产品输入不对等的问题。两国政府和民间要进一步拓宽两国民间外交的渠道和方式,进而全面提升韩中文化外交全面向前发展。  相似文献   

13.
作为一种新的外交形式,公共外交在国际关系中发挥着越来越重要的作用。新加坡自独立以来,在对外关系方面取得了显著的成果,近年来更是重视公共外交,使公共外交在其对外战略中发挥着特殊作用。通过开展公共外交,新加坡这一小国的国际形象进一步得到改善,国际影响力也得到提升。但也由于小国的限制,新加坡的公共外交也存在着巨大局限。  相似文献   

14.
Yufan Hao 《East Asia》1992,11(3):25-46
The environmental aspect of Chinese foreign policy has been neglected in the study of Chinese foreign relations. Yet it has become increasingly important since the late 1980s. Beijing’s increased interest in environmental diplomacy is closely linked with its security, economic, environmental and foreign policy interests. Recognizing the seriousness of its deteriorating domestic environment, the growing international attention on the ecological threats, and the need to improve China’s image and international status, Beijing has begun to pay special attention to environmental diplomacy. Yet China’s priority of economic development, its limited resources, its concerns about sovereign infringement, and trade barriers determine the features of China’s practice in this area.  相似文献   

15.
Kai He  Huiyun Feng 《Asian Security》2014,10(2):168-187
Applying bargaining theory of international conflicts, we examine the successes and challenges of China’s strategic choices in its ascent after the Cold War. We suggest that China needs to alleviate information and commitment problems in order to rise peacefully. Since 2008, China’s “peaceful rise” strategy has faced serious challenges because of its “assertive turn” in diplomacy. We argue that China has not alleviated or settled these two problems successfully because of its ambiguous “core interest” diplomacy and undecided attitude regarding multilateral institutions in resolving the maritime disputes. China should engage in rule-based, institution building, such as a security community between China and ASEAN, to reinforce its peaceful rise commitments.  相似文献   

16.
As China's economy continues to grow, it wants to expand its markets and secure reliable supplies of resources in support of its economic development. Resource diplomacy therefore becomes a prominent feature of its modernisation diplomacy. In turn, many African governments perceive political and economic ties with China to be an important asset, which strengthens their international bargaining power, especially vis-à-vis Western governments. African countries are also depicted as China's reliable political and economic partners, though one can hardly afford to be optimistic regarding Africa's peace and development in the future. Many small African governments have been switching diplomatic recognition between Taipei and Beijing for economic assistance too. Chinese leaders have no intention of engaging in diplomatic and strategic competition with the USA and the European Union in Africa, but they certainly will not co-operate with Western governments in helping Africa because they want to push for multipolarity.  相似文献   

17.
Already the world’s second largest energy consumer, China has accounted for more than a third of the increase in global oil demand since 2000. Due to infrastructural bottlenecks as well as supply shortages, intensified by sustained growth, the PRC is likely to become an increasingly important factor in global oil and gas markets, and to pursue an increasingly active energy diplomacy. Reducing energy vulnerability will be a key imperative. The PRC is striving to reduce its energy vulnerability by: (1) promoting energy efficiency; (2) diversifying away from its heavy reliance on coal and oil, toward nuclear power and natural gas; (3) improving domestic energy infrastructure; (4) promoting national energy champions; (5) deepening reliance on congenial nations; and (6) reducing reliance on sea lanes dominated by the U.S. Navy. Kazakhstan, Iran, Russia, Venezuela, Australia, and African energy producers are special priority targets of its energy diplomacy, which is likely to become more salient in China's overall foreign policy in coming years.  相似文献   

18.
Denghua Zhang 《圆桌》2017,106(2):197-206
Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.  相似文献   

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