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1.
Objective. This study examines the influence of beliefs about the cause of homo‐sexuality on public policy attitudes concerning gay rights. Methods. Using data from the 1995 Oklahoma City Survey, we examine how beliefs about homosexuality as either a lifestyle choice or biological predisposition affect levels of support for gay rights. Results. Consistent with current debates over gay rights, our study reveals a strong positive association between biological attributions of homosexuality and support for gay rights. Opposition to gay rights is most pronounced among political conservatives, fundamentalist Protestants, persons with little or no favorable contact with gays, individuals who embrace negative stereotypes about gays, and persons with high scores on an index of homophobia. Conclusions. Etiological beliefs about homosexuality have a strong influence on public policy attitudes toward gay rights.  相似文献   

2.
Objective. The goal of this article is to analyze the relationship between religion, measured in terms of religious affiliation and religiosity, and public opinion about same‐sex marriage, civil unions, and a federal constitutional amendment that would prohibit gay marriage. Methods. We use logistic regression with calculated standardized coefficients to analyze data from a nationally representative survey of 1,610 respondents conducted in March–April 2004. Results. Religious variables perform better than demographic measures in models of attitudes about same‐sex unions. Non‐Protestants are much more likely to support same‐sex unions than are Protestants, and individuals with conservative attitudes toward morality and secularism and (to a lesser extent) those who participate actively in religious life are more likely to oppose such unions. On the whole, religious variables play a weaker role in predicting support for a constitutional amendment to prevent gay marriage than they do in predicting attitudes toward same‐sex unions. Conclusions. Religious variables play powerful roles in structuring attitudes about same‐sex unions. Moreover, homosexuality appears to be a major component of the “moral values” discourse that is currently so popular in American politics.  相似文献   

3.
Objectives. This study examines the factors that shape public acceptance of homosexuality and support for same-sex marriage across age cohorts.Methods. We analyzed data from two national surveys. We constructed hierarchical logistic and hierarchical ordinary least squares regressions for relevant age cohorts in order to test our hypotheses and explore our research questions.Results. Our models suggest that personal contact has a greater impact on the attitudes of younger respondents, positively influencing public acceptance of homosexuality. Alternatively, religious and ideological predispositions have a greater impact on the attitudes of older individuals. When examining public support for gay marriage, we find that younger individuals have higher levels of deliberative engagement with the issue debate, while older individuals rely more heavily on their predispositions when determining issue stance. Interestingly, measures of media exposure are not significantly related to either public acceptance of homosexuality or support for same-sex marriage, suggesting that other factors may have a greater impact on public attitudes at this point in time.Conclusion. The implications of these findings are discussed in light of the emergence of a new political generation and the continuing struggle for gay civil rights.  相似文献   

4.
Objective. The objective of this article is to examine the trend in attitudes toward gay marriage through the analysis of data from the General Social Survey. Methods. Using linear decomposition techniques, I explain the change in attitudes toward gay marriage from 1988 to 2006. Results. Attitudes significantly liberalized over time; 71 percent opposed gay marriage in 1988, but by 2006, this figure dropped to 52 percent. Approximately two-thirds of this change was due to an intracohort change effect, or individuals' modifying their views over time, and one-third was due to a cohort succession effect, or later cohorts replacing earlier ones. This pattern was replicated across many subgroups of the U.S. public, including age, sex, residential, educational, and religious groups. Conclusion. The results suggest that the use of the “equality/tolerance” framing of gay marriage by its supporters and other societal events or “moments” may have convinced some people who used to disapprove of gay marriage in 1988 to approve of it by 2006.  相似文献   

5.
在“中国”与“同性恋”两条脉络里,对英文文献中的中国同性恋研究进行系统地梳理。在“中国”方面,回顾了围绕中国同性恋的“中国性”展开的争论,以及争论背后浮现的全球化同性恋身份与中国文化孕育的同性恋亚文化之间的张力;在“同性恋”方面,首先以香港的同志运动为例呈现出(后)身份政治的寓言,随后检视最近出版的学术专著是如何扮演当下时代(后)身份政治的建构性角色的。最后提供了两点知识论反思———围绕着“中国”问题展开的文献/理论与现实的关系问题的反思,围绕着“同性恋”问题展开的对斯皮瓦克意义上的“底层人”再现问题的反思。  相似文献   

6.
This article explores the question of whether and how heterosexuals' attitudes toward lesbians differ from their attitudes toward gay men. Data from a 1997 national survey are presented to show that heterosexual women generally hold similar attitudes toward gay men and lesbians, whereas heterosexual men are more likely to make distinctions according to gender. Moreover, men's attitudes toward lesbians are susceptible to situational manipulations. Nevertheless, the underlying unity of attitudes toward lesbians and gay men is demonstrated by the fact that they are highly correlated for both heterosexual men and women. It is suggested that heterosexuals' attitudes toward gay people are organized both in terms of minority group politics and personal sexual and gender identity and that attitudes toward lesbians are most likelyto be differentiated from attitudes toward gay men in the latter realm.  相似文献   

7.
Objectives. Just after three in four Arkansas voters endorsed a state constitutional amendment barring state recognition of same‐sex marriages, a comprehensive state‐level survey allowed a closer look into the attitudes of Arkansans on a variety of gay‐ and lesbian‐related issues. When placed in the context of Arkansas's political culture and ideological patters, this serves as a case study of the relationship between public opinion, specific policy issues, and the diffusion (or nondiffusion) of policies in an individual state. Methods. The 2005 Arkansas Poll included a battery of questions gauging citizens' attitudes on gay/lesbian individuals and the morality of same‐sex relations, same‐sex partner recognition, bans on gay adoption and foster parenting, bans on gays openly serving in the U.S. military, and expansion of civil rights laws to bar discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, among other policies. This article reports those survey results and employs regression/logistic analysis in analyzing them. Results. The results reveal that while Arkansans are uncomfortable with homosexuality, they are surprisingly hesitant to prescribe state‐sanctioned discrimination. Conclusions. This tightrope between libertarianism and angst about homosexuality that resulted in policy nondiffusion until three years after the data reported here is reflective of the state's political culture, which combines traditionalistic and individualistic elements.  相似文献   

8.
9.
Objective. If racial considerations influenced the outcome of the 2008 presidential election, then how did they shape the campaign, why did race matter, and for whom were such considerations important? I hypothesize that various racial attitudes exert unique influences on voters' support of Obama and that the effects of these attitudes differ by race. Methods. Using a Time Magazine poll, I distinguish between “attitudes regarding Obama's ‘Blackness’” and “opinions about race relations,” and I examine such sentiments among White and African‐American respondents. Results. Regardless of race, Obama support was highest among voters who were “comfortable” with Black candidates. However, increased optimism with racial progress had no effect on Blacks' voting intentions, and it actually lowered Obama support among Whites. Conclusion. The conventional wisdom is that African Americans “backed Barack because he is Black”; I demonstrate that Obama's race mattered more to White voters than it did to Blacks.  相似文献   

10.
This exploratory study examined the relationships between attitudes toward women's roles in society, as measured by the six sub-scales on ward Women Scale (AWS: Spence, J. T., & Helmreich, R. L. (1972). The Attitudes Towards Women Scale: An objective instrument to measure attitudes towards the rights and roles of women in contemporary society. JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 2(66)) and 20 work and life values, as measured by the Life Roles Inventory-Values Scale (LRI-VS: Macnab, D., Fitzsimmons, G., & Casserly, C. (1985). Administrator's manual for the Life Roles Inventory Values and Salience. Edmonton, AB: PsiCan Consulting). It was hypothesized that more liberal attitudes toward women's roles in society would be associated with higher scores on the social, personal and individual values. Results from a sample of 89 management and health sciences undergraduates generally supported the hypothesis.  相似文献   

11.
Pension system adaption during the “age of austerity” since 1980 is expected to vary between industrialized countries broadly in line with their membership of conservative, liberal, or social democratic worlds of welfare. Empirical testing on the liberal world focuses on the later period and differs in its conclusions. This paper is based on a systematic study of the scale, nature, and trajectory of change in six liberal pension systems between 1980 and 2017 using expenditure, economic, demographic, and social rights data. These data are analysed using a framework developed through critical engagement with Pierson's three welfare state change criteria and the welfare state “dependent variable problem.” The paper finds a significant retrenchment of public pension provision in most liberal welfare states after 1980 but largely during the first half of the period. This has been partly reversed in most countries since the mid‐1990s, though the scale of this reversal varies between countries. The recent rise of the state in liberal systems has been noted by some commentators, but to be properly understood, the paper argues, it must be considered in the context of the significant retrenchment, which preceded it. There is a scope especially for research on the broader social context of recent reforms, particularly how middle‐income groups were affected by retrenchment and how recent reforms have mitigated this.  相似文献   

12.
Objective. Past research reveals how religion and opinions about the cause of homosexuality influence attitudes concerning same‐sex unions. No study to date contains a comprehensive collection of religion measures while also accounting for views of the cause of homosexuality. Therefore, this study investigates the extent to which religion predicts certain attribution beliefs as well as attitudes toward same‐sex unions while controlling for attribution beliefs. Method. The Baylor Religion Survey (2007 ) is used to estimate binary logistic models predicting the effects of religion and attribution beliefs on attitudes toward same‐sex unions. Findings. First, religion is strongly associated with the belief that homosexuals choose their sexual orientation. Second, religion maintains a significant association with attitudes toward same‐sex unions despite inclusion of an attribution variable. Conclusion. Even if a biological explanation for homosexuality is ultimately proven, unfavorable attitudes toward same‐sex unions will most likely endure due to religion's persistent effect.  相似文献   

13.
Objectives. The Christian Right is predominantly made up of white evangelicals but in recent years, the movement has attempted to include African Americans in social policy initiatives. This article examines support for the Christian Right from African Americans. Methods. The article is based on an analysis of data from the 1996 and 2000 National Election Studies and data from the Religion and Politics Survey, 2000. Results. The study finds that social conservatism does not predict support for the Christian Right from blacks like it does for whites but that evangelical affiliation predicts support from both groups. Black women are more likely to support the organization than are black men. Conclusions. The insignificant effect of social conservatism on blacks' attitudes toward the Christian Right raises questions as to how the movement can best appeal to this minority group. At the very least, the Christian Right does not appear to have solidified support from African Americans on the basis of shared convictions related to abortion and gay rights. Support for the Christian Right from African Americans remains difficult to measure and largely unpredictable.  相似文献   

14.
One of the key factors contributing to the development of negative attitudes toward out‐groups is lack of knowledge about them. The present study investigated what type of information 3‐ to 4‐ and 5‐ to 6‐ year‐old Jewish Israeli children (N = 82) are interested in acquiring about unfamiliar in‐ and out‐group individuals, and how providing children with the requested information affects their intergroup attitudes. Children were shown pictures of individuals from three groups—an in‐group (“Jews”), a “conflict” out‐group (“Arabs”), and a “neutral” out‐group (“Scots”)—and were asked what they would like to know about them. The experimenter responded by either answering all of children's questions, half of the questions, or none. Children's attitudes toward the groups were also assessed. It was found that children asked the most questions in regard to conflict out‐group individuals. Moreover, the older age group asked more questions regarding the psychological characteristics, and fewer questions regarding the social identity, of the conflict out‐group than of the other two groups. Finally, full provision of information improved attitudes toward the groups, especially among 3‐ to 4‐year olds, and especially regarding the conflict out‐group. These findings have implications for understanding the sources of intergroup biases, and for developing interventions to reduce them.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

This study focuses on the role of social identity and prejudice as causal variables in public attitudes toward pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) in a UK sample. In all, 222 participants participated in an experimental vignette study with a 2?×?2?×?2 design with between-participants factors of ethnicity, sexual orientation and gender, and completed measures of attitudes toward gay men, Black Africans, and PrEP. Kruskal–Wallis tests showed significant effects of gender on attitudes toward gay men and Black Africans; of ethnicity on attitudes toward gay men and PrEP; and of religion on attitudes toward gay men. A univariate analysis of variance (ANOVA) revealed more positive attitudes toward PrEP when it was presented as benefitting men (vs. women). Structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between the independent variables of gender, ethnicity, and religion and the dependent variable of attitudes toward PrEP was mediated by attitudes toward gay men and Black Africans. Individuals must perceive the principal beneficiaries of PrEP (i.e., gay men and Black Africans) positively to endorse PrEP for these groups, and sexism may reduce public acceptability of PrEP for women. Future research should use representative samples and alternative experimental manipulations, and include strength of social identification as an independent variable.  相似文献   

16.
The social reforms in China since the late 1970s represent an arduous process in which the Chinese nation, in its own way, has reflected upon the many disadvantages of the “civilization of modernity,” and has explored, created and practiced “Chinese values,” pursuing and shaping new spiritual convictions and new (rational) value beliefs for its national culture. In a deeper sense, “Chinese values” are endowed with a marked orientation toward practice and follow the logic of genuinely implementing society's “public values” on the basis of the intrinsic and organic integration of the personal and public and the national and cosmopolitan. This manifests the pursuit of a noble belief in justice and a commitment to a universal and genuine good life for the Chinese populace today. What “Chinese values” seek to forge is an image of “the Chinese” that manifests not only the disposition and breadth of vision of a contemporary “citizen of the world,” but also the fine traits of tolerance, benevolence, responsibility, and courage, as well as self-esteem, self-improvement, confidence, and self-reliance.  相似文献   

17.
We have said that gravestone studies is our own corner of research in American attitudes toward death. We begin with a discussion of burying grounds not only because it is our own, but because we have chosen gravestone s t d i e s to represent the historical backdrop against which our contributors view important twentieth century attitudes toward death in America. “Grinning Skulls, Smiling Cherubs, Bitter Words” discusses burial grounds and gravestone motifs in New England from the late seventeenth century through the early nineteenth century, and connects shifts in gravestone imagery to changes in social, intellectual and religious life in New England. “Ideologies in Stone: Meanings i n Victorian American Gravestones,” by Kenneth Ames, expands the geographical area nationwide, and covers the chronological period between 1850 and 1920. Like “Grinning Skulls,”“Ideologies in Stone” is concerned to connect the confines of the burying ground with the social values of the culture that produces it.  相似文献   

18.
An analysis by Russia's leading researcher on sexuality of how attitudes toward homosexuality have changed over time, and what this may tell us about the state of politics and democratic values in contemporary Russia.  相似文献   

19.
罗牧原 《社会》2016,36(2):215-241
本文通过对《9个gay》和《一屋赞客》中同性恋相关内容的分析,意在说明在异/同性恋正统主义的逻辑下,网络视频对同性恋的再现被囿于私领域的牢笼,消费、爱情与亲密关系、家庭等成为同性恋生活的核心面向,而私领域与性别维度以外的同性恋生活则被剥夺了可见性的资格。与这种逻辑相对应的同性恋形象指向了年轻的城市中产阶级,而没有能力、没有条件、没有意愿遵循这种逻辑的人被进一步边缘化,变得更加的不可见、不可理解。这是一种充满悖论的可见性:一方面,它有利于改变社会对同性恋的污名化和刻板印象,并为争取同性恋的公民权利打下基础;另一方面,这种可见性是以剥夺了私领域以外的生活与更加边缘的群体的可见性为代价的,它并非一条通往自由之路,而更容易将人引入歧途。  相似文献   

20.
Survey data on the general public's political views and preferences in Russia show that the constituencies of the major parties are widely dispersed. Party preferences at present are based not on any “strategic” or ideological vision but on a more complex set of motives such as attitudes toward ruling authority, the personality factor, and the presence or absence of authoritarian dispositions.  相似文献   

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