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1.
This article examines the effect of blasphemy laws on Islamist terrorism in Muslim-majority countries. Although passed with the ostensibly noble purpose of defending religion, I argue that blasphemy laws encourage terrorism by creating a culture of vigilantism in which terrorists, claiming to be the defenders of Islam, attack those they believe are guilty of heresy. This study empirically tests this proposition, along with alternative hypotheses, using a time-series, cross-national negative binomial analysis of 51 Muslim-majority states from 1991–2013. It finds that states that enforce blasphemy laws are indeed statistically more likely to experience Islamist terrorist attacks than countries where such laws do not exist. The statistical analysis is supplemented with a brief case study of blasphemy laws and terrorism in Pakistan. The conclusion situates the findings in the context of policy.  相似文献   

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In the wake of the demise of communism and the advent of the 1990–1991 Gulf War, there is concern among some Western elites about a possible Islamic challenge to the prevailing international order. This paper explores the validity of that concern by looking at patterns of interaction and the notion of foreign‐policy change in four countries in the Muslim world—Iran, Egypt, Algeria, and Indonesia, as well as some developments in the larger Muslim world. Juxtaposing social change on foreign policy, the article postulates that economic realism is the definitive force in the international relations of these states; “militant Islam” is more a tool of radical diplomacy than a manifestation of transnationalism; and ties between states in the Muslim world display a regional regime‐style orientation. Domestic Islamization is found to be a force, which, overall, is contributing to accountability and, therefore, rationalization in the foreign‐policy realm.  相似文献   

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The advance of democracy has been dramatic but not smooth, from just one democratic state 230 years ago to over 120 countries at present, accounting for two-thirds of the world's population. In recent years, the last bastions of despotism have bowed before the wave of democracy. Iraq and Palestine were the first breaches in the dyke with three and four electoral experiences, respectively, in the past year alone. Saudi Arabia with its absolutist monarchy saw its own local elections, while in Egypt presidential elections with at least nominally contesting candidates were held. The people of Iraq and Afghanistan braved bombs and defied terrorists to come out in large numbers to vote for a better future for their generations. Although the promotion of democracy in the Muslim world might lead to popular but anti-American governments in the short run, it is in the long-term interests of the US to promote democracy, a business which USAID has been in for a long time now.  相似文献   

5.
After the 'January 25th Revolution' broke out in 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood made alliances with secular forces and the military to topple Egyptian leader Hosni Mubarak. Then it took power by winning parliamentary and presidential elections. Only one year later it was ousted by the same generals whom its leader had earlier promoted. Although the Muslim Brotherhood took to the streets to protest against this military coup,  相似文献   

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欧洲的穆斯林问题   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
欧洲是一个基督教占主导地位的大陆,其他宗教的影响力甚为有限.但从二战结束以来,由于外来人口的大量涌入,尤其是与欧洲比邻的西亚北非移民的到来,使欧洲族群的构成发生了重大变化,穆斯林已经成为欧盟内部最大的少数族群."9·11"事件以来,出于对内部反恐安全的需要,欧洲舆论和各国政府提高了对欧洲穆斯林的关注程度,穆斯林问题开始逐步成为整个欧洲大陆关注的一大热点.  相似文献   

8.
穆巴拉克时代的埃及穆斯林兄弟会 ,在坚持实施伊斯兰教法、建立伊斯兰国家等根本宗旨的情况下 ,基本放弃暴力政策 ,构建了议会政治、伊斯兰经济和向市民社会渗透“三驾马车式”的新政策 ,进入了演进和发展的新时期。参与议会选举使兄弟会有了影响公共政策的正式渠道 ;向市民社会渗透 ,尤其是对同业公会的控制取得了巨大成功 ;伊斯兰经济的发展也成效显著。国家与兄弟会的关系 ,以 2 0世纪 90年代初为界 ,大致可分为“和平宽容”和“摩擦冲突”两个阶段 ,2 0 0 0年以来兄弟会遭到国家更加严厉的压制。兄弟会的建党问题和代际传承是考察兄弟会发展趋势的两个视角。  相似文献   

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在当今的穆斯林世界中 ,大约有 4 0 %的人口生活在非穆斯林国家 ,其中生活在西欧的大约有 15 0 0万穆斯林。这些穆斯林在离开了以穆斯林为主体的社会、进入新的社会文化环境之后 ,其宗教意识、文化思想、政治认同等都发生了明显的变化 ,穆斯林社团内部甚至还出现了严重的分化。这些政治现象的出现进一步增加了穆斯林世界内部的多样性 ,从而引起了各国学者的广泛关注。《跨国穆斯林政治 :重新认识世界伊斯兰教众》(PeterMandaville ,TransnationalMuslimPolitics:ReimaginingtheU…  相似文献   

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叙利亚穆斯林兄弟会经历了酝酿和成立时期(1930~1946年)、合法参政时期(1947~1958年)、转向激进时期(1963~1982年)、海外活动时期(1982年至今)4个主要发展阶段。在这一发展过程中,叙穆兄会经历了从合法参政到非法活动,从非暴力手段到暴力反抗,从国内斗争到国外活动的转变。叙穆兄会的发展演变史表明,自独立以来,叙利亚政府一直未能处理好宗教与国家、宗教与世俗、传统与现代之间的各种关系,导致该国政治现代化进程出现了曲折和反复,并最终酿成了今天的危局。  相似文献   

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20世纪80年代末90年代初,由于各方面的复杂原因,印控克什米尔爆发了大规模的穆斯林武装斗争。武装斗争最初在当地世俗穆斯林武装组织主导下,目标是实现克什米尔的民族自决和独立。后来随着大量境外极端势力涌入印控克什米尔,武装斗争也渐渐发展成为具有泛伊斯兰主义特征的圣战,暴力恐怖化倾向越来越明显。为此,印度政府采取了一系列政策措施。  相似文献   

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This article addresses three recent developments in historical sociology: (1) neo-Weberian historical sociology within International Relations; (2) the ‘civilizational analysis’ approach utilized by scholars of ‘multiple modernities’; and (3) the ‘third wave’ cultural turn in US historical sociology. These developments are responses to problems identified within earlier forms of historical sociology, but it is suggested each fails to resolve them precisely because each remains contained within the methodological framework of historical sociology as initially conceived. It is argued that their common problem lies in the utilization of ‘ideal types’ as the basis for sociohistorical analysis. This necessarily has the effect of abstracting a set of particular relations from their wider connections and has the further effect of suggesting sui generis endogenous processes as integral to these relations. In this way, each of the three developments continues the Eurocentrism typical of earlier approaches. The article concludes with a call for ‘connected histories’ to provide a more adequate methodological and substantive basis for an historical sociology appropriate to calls for a properly global historical sociology.  相似文献   

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姜英梅 《西亚非洲》2003,52(1):44-47
埃及穆斯林兄弟会自成立以来 ,在埃及历史上产生过重大影响。它与埃及历届政府的关系时好时坏 ,甚至几度被解散。在当今埃及 ,兄弟会因倡导伊斯兰复兴 ,拥有很强的经济实力和广泛的社会基础而依然是埃及最强有力的反对派。  相似文献   

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To form a more prudent foreign policy toward the Muslim Brotherhood, we must understand it not only as a domestic actor, but also as a major regional player. In fact, the Brotherhood has a complex relationship with Iran and the Shias, which blurs the lines of the so-called Shia Crescent. This article addresses the Muslim Brotherhood's foreign/regional policy by analyzing its attitude toward the Shias and Iran, thus placing it within the context of the emerging regional order. Addressing the complex relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Shias/Iran will help to clarify the regional fallout were the Brotherhood to gain control of a major Sunni Arab state. This is a vital issue for policy makers who are considering the U.S. position vis-à-vis the Brotherhood.  相似文献   

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邱永辉 《东南亚》2009,(2):47-52
本文重点研讨两个方面的问题,其一是“反恐文化”阴影下的印度穆斯林,二是“桑奇报告”及印度穆斯林的发展问题。前者所关注的是“9·11事件”后国际上和印度国内形成的“反恐文化”,及这种阴影下的印度穆斯林在思想意识和行为方式上的变化;后者则关注印度政府对于穆斯林团体存在的困难和问题的关心、认识和政策。  相似文献   

17.
This piece examines the relationship of Muslim communities to the UK mainstream between 2005 and 2010. Using the dual backdrop of the country's embedded multiculturalism policy and its counter-terrorism strategy implemented through the Prevent agenda, the authors brush a picture of a tense yet ultimately resilient relationship. While Prevent was often accused of leading to a securitisation of community policy, it is arguable that tensions have led to increased visibility and leadership capacity from the Muslim community, and a recognition of their role and diversity on behalf of the public and the government.  相似文献   

18.
Book reviews in this article:
Negotiation and the New World Disorder James G. Blight Andrew W. Lynch  相似文献   

19.
赵克仁 《西亚非洲》2006,28(4):70-73
2004年8月底,伊拉克的一个武装组织绑架了两名法国记者,并以此相威胁,要求法国政府在3天内取消不久前颁布的禁令,即禁止穆斯林女学生在校园里佩带具有宗教标志的穆斯林头巾。此事件引起了世人的极大关注。是否佩戴穆斯林头巾在一般人看来可能是小事,然而在伊斯兰世界和广大穆斯林心目中,妇女面纱具有极其重要的宗教文化价值。冷战结束后,尤其是2003年美国在推翻萨达姆政权后,企图把西方的文化价值观强加给伊拉克人和中东地区,从而进一步加剧了东西方在文化上的冲突。因此,如何认识穆斯林妇女面纱所蕴涵的审美倾向及其文化价值,正是本文所要…  相似文献   

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