Collective self-esteem and ingroup bias.

In addition to personal self-esteem, we propose that there is a second type of self-esteem, collective self-esteem. People who are high in trait collective self-esteem should be more likely to react to threats to collective self-esteem by derogating outgroups and enhancing the ingroup. In a study using the minimal intergroup paradigm, trait personal and collective self-esteem were measured, and subjects received information about the average performance of their group. Subjects high in collective self-esteem varied their ratings of above-average and below-average scorers on the test in an ingroup-enhancing fashion, whereas those low in collective self-esteem did not. Analyses based on personal self-esteem did not show this interaction. We conclude that collective self-esteem is an individual difference variable that may moderate the attempt to maintain a positive social identity. The relation between collective and personal self-esteem is discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Collective narcissism and its social consequences.

This article introduces the concept of collective narcissism—an emotional investment in an unrealistic belief about the in group’s greatness—aiming to explain how feelings about an ingroup shape a tendency to aggress against outgroups. The results of 5 studies indicate that collective, but not individual, narcissism predicts intergroup aggressiveness. Collective narcissism is related to high private and low public collective self-esteem and low implicit group esteem. It predicts perceived threat from outgroups, unwillingness to forgive outgroups, preference for military aggression over and above social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, and blind patriotism. The relationship between collective narcissism and aggressiveness is mediated by perceived threat from outgroups and perceived insult to the ingroup. In sum, the results indicate that collective narcissism is a form of high but ambivalent group esteem related to sensitivity to threats to the ingroup’s image and retaliatory aggression. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Perceived discrimination as worldview threat or worldview confirmation: Implications for self-esteem.

In 3 studies, the authors tested the hypothesis that discrimination targets' worldview moderates the impact of perceived discrimination on self-esteem among devalued groups. In Study 1, perceiving discrimination against the ingroup was negatively associated with self-esteem among Latino Americans who endorsed a meritocracy worldview (e.g., believed that individuals of any group can get ahead in America and that success stems from hard work) but was positively associated with self-esteem among those who rejected this worldview. Study 2 showed that exposure to discrimination against their ingroup (vs. a non-self-relevant group) led to lower self-esteem, greater feelings of personal vulnerability, and ingroup blame among Latino Americans who endorsed a meritocracy worldview but to higher self-esteem and decreased ingroup blame among Latino Americans who rejected it. Study 3 showed that compared with women informed that prejudice against their ingroup is pervasive, women informed that prejudice against their ingroup is rare had higher self-esteem if they endorsed a meritocracy worldview but lower self-esteem if they rejected this worldview. Findings support the idea that perceiving discrimination against one's ingroup threatens the worldview of individuals who believe that status in society is earned but confirms the worldview of individuals who do not. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Self-esteem, self-consciousness, and task performance: Replications, extensions, and possible explanations.

Previous research has suggested that the task performance of low self-esteem individuals (low SEs) is impaired under conditions designed to increase self-focused attention. Task-focusing, rather than self-focusing, manipulations have actually bolstered the achievement of low SEs. The results of the present 2 experiments with 207 undergraduates demonstrated that the performance of low SEs on a concept formation task was affected by a variety of attentional manipulations. As before, task-focusing instructions enhanced and self-focusing stimuli impaired their performance on a concept formation task (Study 1). Similar results were obtained for Ss who scored high (but not for those who scored low) on an individual difference measure of self-consciousness. Study 2 also demonstrated that when the task-focusing manipulation worked, it neutralized the adverse effects of the self-focusing stimulus on the low SEs' performance. Supplementary data suggested that the manipulations generally had their intended effects on attentional focus and that attentional focus influenced performance. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Self-esteem and threats to self: Implications for self-construals and interpersonal perceptions.

In 4 studies, the authors examined interpersonal perceptions as a function of self-construals and ego threats for those with high and low self-esteem. Previous research (T. F. Heatherton & K. D. Vohs, 2000a) found that after threat, high self-esteem people were rated as less likable by an unacquainted dyad partner, whereas low self-esteem people were rated as more likable. Study 1 showed that after threat, high self-esteem people seek competency feedback, whereas low self-esteem people seek interpersonal feedback. Study 2 showed that high self-esteem people become more independent after threat, whereas low self-esteem people become more interdependent. Study 3 linked differences in independence versus interdependence to interpersonal evaluations. Study 4 found that differences in independent and interdependent self-construals statistically accounted for differences in likability and personality perceptions of high and low self-esteem people after threat. Thus, the combination of threat and self-esteem alters people's focus on different self-aspects, which consequently leads to different interpersonal appraisals. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Effects of social comparison direction, threat, and self-esteem on affect, self-evaluation, and expected success.

Two studies explored the conditions under which social comparisons are used to manage negative affect and naturalistic threats. Study 1 examined induced mood and dispositional self-esteem as determinants of affective responses to upward and downward comparisons. Consistent with a mood repair prediction, only low-self-esteem Ss in whom a negative mood had been induced reported improved mood after exposure to downward comparison information. Study 2 examined the impact of naturalistic threats on responses to comparison information. Relative to a no-comparison baseline, low-self-esteem Ss who had experienced a recent academic setback reported more favorable self-evaluations and greater expectations of future success in college after exposure to downward comparison information. These results remained significant after controlling statistically for general distress. Implications for downward comparison theory are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Interpersonal evaluations following threats to self: Role of self-esteem.

In 2 studies, the authors used dyadic interactions to assess the influence of ego threat on likability as a function of self-esteem. In both studies, 2 naive participants engaged in a structured conversation; in half of the dyads, 1 participant received an ego threat prior to the interaction. In the 1st study, threatened high self-esteem participants were rated as less likable than were threatened low self-esteem participants. The 2nd study confirmed that ego threats are associated with decreased liking for those with high self-esteem and with increased liking for those with low self-esteem. A mediational analysis demonstrated that decreased liking among high self-esteem participants was due to being perceived as antagonistic. Study 2 also indicated that the findings could not be explained by trait levels of narcissism. These patterns are interpreted in terms of differential sensitivity to potential interpersonal rejection. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Social stigma and self-esteem: The self-protective properties of stigma.

Although several psychological theories predict that members of stigmatized groups should have low global self-esteem, empirical research typically does not support this prediction. It is proposed here that this discrepancy may be explained by considering the ways in which membership in a stigmatized group may protect the self-concept. It is proposed that members of stigmatized groups may (a) attribute negative feedback to prejudice against their group, (b) compare their outcomes with those of the ingroup, rather than with the relatively advantaged outgroup, and (c) selectively devalue those dimensions on which their group fares poorly and value those dimensions on which their group excels. Evidence for each of these processes and their consequences for self-esteem and motivation is reviewed. Factors that moderate the use of these strategies and implications of this analysis for treatment of stigmas are also discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Disentangling the effects of low self-esteem and stressful events on depression: Findings from three longitudinal studies.

Diathesis-stress models of depression suggest that low self-esteem and stressful events jointly influence the development of depressive affect. More specifically, the self-esteem buffering hypothesis states that, in the face of challenging life circumstances, individuals with low self-esteem are prone to depression because they lack sufficient coping resources, whereas those with high self-esteem are able to cope effectively and consequently avoid spiraling downward into depression. The authors used data from 3 longitudinal studies of adolescents and young adults, who were assessed 4 times over a 3-year period (Study 1; N = 359), 3 times over a 6-week period (Study 2; N = 249), and 4 times over a 6-year period (Study 3; N = 2,403). In all 3 studies, low self-esteem and stressful events independently predicted subsequent depression but did not interact in the prediction. Thus, the results did not support the self-esteem buffering hypothesis but suggest that low self-esteem and stressful events operate as independent risk factors for depression. In addition, the authors found evidence in all 3 studies that depression, but not low self-esteem, is reciprocally related to stressful events, suggesting that individuals high in depression are more inclined to subsequently experience stressful events. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Social perception as induction and inference: An integrative model of intergroup differentiation, ingroup favoritism, and differential accuracy.

Three general properties of social stereotypes are the perception of differences between ingroups and outgroups (intergroup differentiation), the perception of ingroups as having more desirable attributes than outgroups (ingroup favoritism), and the greater accuracy of ingroup perceptions (differential accuracy). We present and test an inductive-reasoning model that accounts for all 3 phenomena, and we explicate the relations among them. Based on empirical evidence, the model assumes that most people have a positive self-image, that they project these self-images more strongly to ingroups than to outgroups, and that their self-images are valid cues for judgments about social groups. Two minimal-group experiments using a crossed-categorization paradigm support the model and provide new evidence for underlying psychological processes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Self-protective biases in group categorization: Threat cues shape the psychological boundary between “us” and “them”.

Across 6 studies, factors signaling potential vulnerability to harm produced a bias toward outgroup categorization—a tendency to categorize unfamiliar others as members of an outgroup rather than as members of one's ingroup. Studies 1 through 4 demonstrated that White participants were more likely to categorize targets as Black (as opposed to White) when those targets displayed cues heuristically associated with threat (masculinity, movement toward the perceiver, and facial expressions of anger). In Study 5, White participants who felt chronically vulnerable to interpersonal threats responded to a fear manipulation by categorizing threatening (angry) faces as Black rather than White. Study 6 extended these findings to a minimal group paradigm, in which participants who felt chronically vulnerable to interpersonal threats categorized threatening (masculine) targets as outgroup members. Together, findings indicate that ecologically relevant threat cues within both the target and the perceiver interact to bias the way people initially parse the social world into ingroup vs. outgroup. Findings support a threat-based framework for intergroup psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

"Who am I? Why am I here?" Self-esteem, self-clarity, and prototype matching.

Recent research has demonstrated that individuals with low self-esteem lack self-clarity; they have less certain and less stable self-concepts than do those with high self-esteem (A. H. Baumgardner; see PA, Vol 77:30941; J. Campbell; see PA, Vol 78:4413). Self-concept confusion should mitigate against the use of a decision-making strategy that involves using the self to guide choice behavior (i.e., prototype matching; P. M. Niedenthal et al; see record 1985-20122-001). Two correlational studies demonstrated that people with high self-esteem, but not low self-esteem, made use of prototype matching in forming preferences. In a 3rd study, the self-concept was made more clear or made more confused. Clarity was associated with the use of prototype matching regardless of level of self-esteem. Self-concept confusion was associated with a failure to use the strategy regardless of level of self-esteem. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Task ego-involvement and self-esteem as moderators of situationally devalued self-esteem.

Conducted 2 experiments to investigate the effects of situationally devalued self-esteem and 2 levels of task involvement on performance on a word-sorting task. In Exp I, 48 male undergraduates completed an 8-min pretest and were told either that they had done poorly or acceptably. Ss then completed a 35-min real test under high or low involvement conditions (which stressed or did not stress the importance of the task). In Exp II, 60 undergraduates completed the same tests but only self-esteem was manipulated. A chronic self-esteem measure derived from a self-assurance scale, was administered to all Ss (see record 1969-03188-001). Results indicate increased productivity in the high involvement and high self-esteem conditions, suggesting that protection of self-concept effects occurred (i.e., performance will be increased); however, productivity was not decreased in the low conditions, indicating a failure of self-consistency effects to emerge. (18 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The cost of good fortune: When positive life events produce negative health consequences.

Previous research regarding the effects of positive life events on physical health has been inconclusive. We tested the hypothesis that positive life events have a detrimental effect on health only among people with negative self-views. This prediction derives from an identity disruption model of stress, which holds that an accumulation of life events that are inconsistent with the self-concept leads to physical illness. To test the hypothesis, we conducted 2 prospective studies in which positive life events and self-esteem were used to predict the development of illness over time. In accordance with predictions, both studies showed that desirable life changes were associated with increases in illness only among Ss with low self-esteem; among Ss with high self-esteem, positive life events were linked to better health. Implications for understanding the manner in which life events affect health are considered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Self-esteem, academic self-concept, and achievement: How the learning environment moderates the dynamics of self-concept.

The authors examine the directionality of effects between global self-esteem, domain-specific academic self-concepts, and academic achievement. Special emphasis is placed on learning environments as potential moderators of the direction of these effects. According to the meritocracy principle presented here, so-called bottom-up effects (i.e., self-esteem is influenced by academic self-concept) are more pronounced in meritocratic learning environments than in ego-protective learning environments. This hypothesis was examined using a three-wave cross-lagged panel design with a large sample of 7th graders from East and West Germany, a total of 5,648 students who were tested shortly after German reunification. Reciprocal effects were found between self-esteem, academic self-concept, and academic achievement. In conformance with the meritocracy principle, support for bottom-up effects was stronger in the meritocratic learning environment. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Pessimistic self-preoccupation, performance deficits, and depression.

Conducted 3 studies to test a model of the cognitive performance deficits shown in depression. The model proposes that such deficits occur as an interaction of expectancy and focus of attention variables, that is, in the presence of both low expectancy of success and high self-focus. In Study 1 (a pilot study), 11 depressed Ss (DSs) and 16 nondepressed Ss (NSs) were selected from a large pool of undergraduate students who were administered the Beck Depression Inventory. Results indicate that DSs evidenced poorer anagram performance, greater self-focus, and lower pretask expectancies than did NSs. Study 2, conducted with 60 Ss drawn from the Study 1 S pool, showed that NSs evidenced performance deficits only when both expectancy was lowered and self-focus was increased. Data from the 59 Ss (also selected from the Study 1 S pool) in Study 3 suggest that DSs' performance deficits were overcome either by lowering self-focus or by raising expectancy. Discussed are discrepancies between self-report and performance data; the relevance of these studies to the test anxiety literature; the need to integrate literature concerning the effects of depression, anxiety, and self-esteem on performance; and how the interactive roles of positive expectancy and focus of attention may be related to effective coping in a variety of situations. (40 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)