Civic-secular and ethnic nationalisms as bases of the nation-state: multiculturalism at the crossroads? 1

The dominant Eurocentric paradigm of the nation and the nation-state was premised on western historical experience that was indigenous to the west but claimed universality for the rest. Many post-colonial countries, particularly those that went through national liberation struggles, like India and China, with multi-ethnic mobilisations, established sovereign states. The nationalist leaders claimed the unity of nationhood for their culturally diverse countries (states), with their millennia-deep civilisational identity, compelling a new discourse on the untenability of the classic Eurocentric paradigm. The second development witnessed the inevitable cultural heterogenisation of the western countries premised on the expansion of the (immigrant) labour market through an ever-enveloping regime of economic liberalisation and world trade. The catharsis of the invasion of cheaper labour from culturally diverse countries, often native-displacing, resulted in western countries attempting to accommodate the emerging changing reality in the context of mono-cultural nations through the concept and policy of multiculturalism. In spite of this, western countries have been witness to intercultural violence, racial discrimination and threats of home grown terrorism. The paper seeks to distinguish between ‘pluralism’ and ‘multiculturalism’ and argues for a reformulation of the concept of the nation-state that will have greater applicability across states.     

(Mis)taking policy: Notes on the cultural policy debate

Abstract

The article argues that terms like ‘postcolonialism’ and ‘multiculturalism’ can be totalizing and themselves elide difference. In terms of recent argument in cultural studies in Australia, approaches drawn from postcolonialism referring to Orientalism and race have been contentiously applied to multicultural discourse referring to migration and ethnicity. In such discourse there is a ruling binary distinction between the migrant and Australian society. I seek to complicate the analysis of multiculturalism by pointing to a heterogeneity of shifting centres and margins, for example, between and within ethnic communities, and in diasporic relationships.     

(En)countering terrorism: multiculturalism and Singapore

With national security concerns dominating the agenda for many states and with the management of cultural diversity under close scrutiny, can the agenda of multiculturalism—with its desire to accommodate cultural differences—survive? By assessing Singapore's review of its multiculturalism policy in this ‘age of terror’, this paper argues that the project of multiculturalism is far from over. Moreover, it argues that, if performed well and permitted to evolve constantly, multiculturalism may instead be a bulwark against the allure of what has become termed ‘home-grown’ terrorism. The argument progresses in broadly three parts. The first part defines the terms multicultural and multiculturalism, and presents a continuum of different approaches to multiculturalism. This section is keen to stress the diversity present in policies of multiculturalism in order to highlight the different policy options available to the management of difference. In the second part, Singapore's policy of multiculturalism is located on the continuum and assessed. Finally, by tracing recent alterations to Singaporean multiculturalism, the final part of the paper suggests possible adaptations that may be required of plural societies when (en)countering extremist ideology.     

Globalization,multiculturalism and brain drain

Abstract

The cultural turn is nowadays simultaneous to the greatest market enlargement, the globalization, which confronts institutions and leaders with new situations, characterized by the meeting of multiple cultures and by the need of intercultural understanding. As a consequence, among many others, the globalization obliges us to elucidate the multiculturalism, the interculturality and the leadership, as well as their connection.     

Western secularism in an age of religious diversity

In the last decade several Western countries have been updating the law concerning the relationships between State and Churches. This clearly testifies that many legal instruments, created for carrying out secularism in societies dominated by a single culture and tradition, are not any longer adequate to meet the needs of today's multicultural communities. In fact, those legal instruments were tailored on the requirements of traditional creeds; therefore, they are not able to accommodate the demands coming from diverse religious denominations.

The author will point out some specific legal approaches (namely the French laïcité as well as the dual-system and joint governance approaches), which have traditionally carried out secularism in some Western countries. He will try to demonstrate that in contemporary democracies, as has occurred in the past, secularism has to find a balance between the universal need for a peaceful coexistence and the protection of religious-cultural rights – not only the rights of a group to be different, but also the rights of individuals within these groups.     

A cultural studies without guarantees: Response to Kuan-Hsing Chen

Abstract

This article is a short response to Chen's critique of our article ‘Asianing Australia: notes toward a critical transnationalism in cultural studies’. It is argued that Chen's attack on our article is misdirected. Furthermore, we are in substantial agreement with Chen on many issues, most importantly that the nation-state should not be the uninterrogated site for the development of a ‘local’ cultural studies. However, we find Chen's politics, and his use of a reductionist Marxist theory, overly simplistic. Moreover, the core/periphery binary which he uses is not adequate to express the complexities of a global capitalist world order in which the sites of power are becoming increasingly decentred. Similarly, the politics of resistance are also more complex than Chen suggests; resistance must be understood in relation to local situations and local tactics, as well as the imperatives of global capitalism. Finally, a properly localized and left-politicized cultural studies must reflexively interrogate the politics of theory, including Marxism, considering its specific ‘western’ history and recognizing the necessary partiality of theory in a post-colonial world of differentiated modernities.     

Engagement with Non‐State Service Providers in Fragile States: Reconciling State‐Building and Service Delivery

The OECD questions whether non‐state services in fragile states may delegitimise the state in the eyes of citizens, arguing that ‘state‐building’ depends on governments’ engagement in service management. This article reviews the available evidence to identify what types of engagement are feasible and most likely to contribute to service delivery, or not to damage it. It considers the capacity requirements and the risks associated with state intervention through policy formulation, regulation, contracting and mutual agreements, and concludes by identifying ways of incrementally involving the state, beginning with activities that are least likely to do harm to non‐state provision.     

Representing harmony and diversity: media representations of multiculturalism and ethnicity in Singapore

This article investigates multiculturalism and ethnicity in Singapore. The study conducted a qualitative content analysis of articles appearing in the Straits Times newspaper over a three month period in 2010. It was found that multicultural harmony tended to be represented as unnatural, fragile, and requiring government intervention. There also tended to be a focus on distinct and fixed ethnic identities, reflecting an essentialist understanding of ethnicity. These beliefs about the nature of multiculturalism and ethnic identity were reflected in the coverage of three major social issues. These were the perceived needs to maintain the ethnic composition of Singapore’s population, efforts to prevent cultural corruption or neglect, and concerns about the impact of immigration on multicultural harmony.     

Making globalization work for Chinese higher education by building bridges between internationalization and multiculturalism

The rapid expansion of higher education in China is bringing together two phenomena, internationalization and multiculturalism. This study explores the question of what Chinese universities are doing to bridge the gap between these two. Three types of higher education institutions attended by minority students are selected: a university under the governance of an ethnic autonomous region, located in Inner Mongolia; a university under the Central Ministry of Education in Beijing, and a university under the Ethnic Affairs Bureau, specifically designated for nationalities, in Hubei Province. A content analysis of selected relevant documents and interviews with university academic/administrative staff, Han and ethnic minority students were carried out. Chinese universities seem more than willing to internationalize for status advancement. However, multiculturalism in the sense of recognition of ethnic minority cultures, is not viewed as bringing higher status. The implications for bridging internationalization and multiculturalism are raised.     

Diversity in America: A sociohistorical analysis

Multiculturalism, while a fairly new term, is not a new social phenomenon despite prevailing beliefs that the United States was culturally homogeneous at its formation. A new concept, the Dillingham Flaw, can explain many misconceptions about the nation's past. Cultural pluralism in the colonial and early national periods was extensive, in many ways surpassing that of the 1990s. Through conceptualization of mainstream/outgroup population proportions and comparative analysis of immigration rates, foreign-born percentages, and racial composition, the diversity of American society is shown to be less today than in past generations. Future projections suggest greater diversity by the mid-21st century, but the nonwhite population has not yet returned to its dimensions of 200 years ago.     

Doing Things Differently: Can Water Supply,Sanitation, and Hygiene Services Support Peace‐ and State‐Building Processes?

Interventions across all sectors in fragile states are called to contribute to tackling conflict and fragility despite the lack of evidence on how/if this is possible. This article reviews the existing literature to identify five entry points through which water supply and sanitation service delivery might interact, both positively and negatively, with state‐building and/or peace‐building processes. Evidence for the relevance of these entry points was assessed in the Republic of South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Our research suggests that the way in which water and sanitation services are delivered is more important than the delivery of these services per se. Moreover, we find that the effects are largely modest and likely to be localised, and that greater attention is still needed to avoid potential negative consequences.