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1.
With the global restructuring of agri‐food markets since the 1980s, an impressive amount of scholarship has examined its impacts in African countries. However, little has been written on the emergence of local medium and large‐scale commercial farmers selling to export companies or controlling their own export marketing arrangements. This article examines Ghanaian commercial farmers producing and exporting fresh pineapples to European markets. This group of pineapple producer–exporters represents a path to capitalist agricultural production that can be conceptualized as capitalism from outside: where capital flows into the countryside, rather than accumulation occurring from above or below within the agrarian economy. The emergence of this form of agrarian capitalism is stimulated by opportunities in new high‐value agricultural export markets, but its stabilization depends on country‐specific characteristics such as rural social structures, property rights and state support. The article documents the conditions of emergence of this new group of Ghanaian capitalist farmers, the period of destabilization caused by increasing international competition that resulted in a small number of large‐scale agribusiness firms surviving, and the challenges that these agribusiness firms faced in stabilizing their capitalist agricultural production.  相似文献   

2.
This article estimates multiproduct and product‐specific scale economies, scope economies, and cost efficiency with single and annual cost frontiers using a nonparametric approach. Multiproduct scale and scope economies are found that suggests increasing scale and product diversification can reduce cost for agricultural cooperatives. Many agricultural cooperatives experience economies of scale indicating that variable returns to scale as opposed to constant returns to scale is the appropriate technology for modeling agricultural cooperatives. Product‐specific scale economies for all outputs are close to one indicating that individual outputs are operating close to constant returns to scale. Annual frontier estimates show that cooperatives have become less cost efficient over time, but scale and scope economies remain relatively consistent across years. Further, results show that economic measures obtained from the single frontier are statistically different from those measures calculated from annual frontiers, suggesting that the cost frontier has shifted over time. The trade‐off between cost efficiency and multiproduct scale economies indicates that smaller cooperatives can reduce a higher percentage of cost by increasing the scale of operations rather than just becoming cost efficient. Because larger incentives exist for small cooperatives to increase scale, mergers will likely continue until economies of scale are exhausted in the industry.  相似文献   

3.
In Ethiopia, there is a renewed interest in agricultural cooperatives as an institutional tool to improve the welfare of smallholder farmers. One of the pathways through which cooperatives benefit their members is scale economies. However, the establishment of cooperatives in Ethiopia seems to pay little attention to the size of the organizations. This article aims at investigating the effect of size on cost efficiency of agricultural cooperatives. More specifically, the purpose is to examine whether a single cooperative can serve a given number of farmers at a lower cost than two or more smaller cooperatives could. We employ the concept of cost subadditivity to compare the cost efficiency of large versus small cooperatives, and by extension unilateral actions. We estimate a flexible production technology using cross‐sectional cooperative‐level data. Findings show that costs would drop by 78% to 181% if farmers join hands in relatively large rather than small cooperatives.  相似文献   

4.
This essay reviews five recent books concerned with different aspects of the agrarian crisis and agrarian questions in India. Each book deals, implicitly or explicitly, with specific facets of these issues. Specific regional patterns of highly exploitative agrarian capitalist developments and the role of agro‐commercial capital are analysed by the books. The essay argues that the agrarian crisis is class specific and that the capitalist farming classes are, in the main, able to successfully accumulate, although uneven development across India makes generalization difficult. The review concludes with some overall perspectives on agrarian transition in India.  相似文献   

5.
The relationship that mountain communities have with global capitalism are complex, being mediated by a diverse topography and ecology, both of which provide opportunities for capital accumulation, while also isolating older, “pre‐capitalist” modes of production. This paper takes a case study valley from Nepal's eastern hills, tracing over two centuries of agrarian change and evolving interactions between “adivasi” and “semi‐feudal” economic formations with capitalism. In recent years, the expansion of markets, rising demand for cash, and climate stress have solidified migrant labour as a core component of livelihoods, and the primary mechanism of surplus appropriation from the hill peasantry. Through a focus on three altitudinal zones, however, it is demonstrated how the trajectory of this transformation, including the interactions with persisting pre‐capitalist formations, is mediated by both political–economic processes and the local agro‐ecological context.  相似文献   

6.
This paper seeks to reconstruct David Harvey's theory of accumulation by dispossession (ABD) through an ethnography of a Special Economic Zone in Rajasthan, India. While Harvey sees ABD as an economic process of over‐accumulated capital finding new outlets, I argue that it is an extra‐economic process of coercive expropriation typically exercised by states to help capitalist overcome barriers to accumulation – in this case, the absence of fully capitalist rural land markets. In India's privately developed SEZs, the accumulation generated by this dispossession – which represents the disaccumulation of the peasantry – occurs through capitalist rentiers who develop rural land for mainly IT companies and luxury real estate, and profit from the appreciation of artificially cheap land acquired by the state. While such development has only minimally and precariously absorbed the labour of dispossessed farmers, it has generated a peculiar agrarian transformation through land speculation that has enlisted fractions of the rural elite into a chain of rentiership, drastically amplified existing class and caste inequalities, undermined food security and, surprisingly, fuelled non‐productive economic activity and pre‐capitalist forms of exploitation.  相似文献   

7.
Rural society in Chile has undergone profound change over the past few decades. For centuries, large haciendas had dominated Chile's Central Valley. The agrarian reforms carried out by Frei and Allende – and to a greater extent the counter‐reform of Pinochet – transformed that property structure with its generalized system of agricultural production for the domestic market. Recently, there has been a marked shift in emphasis towards specialization, exports and off‐farm agricultural resources. A seasonal labour market has arisen, employing predominantly female workers, whose precarious work conditions stand in marked contrast to the success of Chilean agricultural exports. This paper reviews the main trends in Chilean agriculture and rural society, drawing on data gathered principally in Colchagua Province, which is known for its fine export wines.  相似文献   

8.
As farmworkers were reframed as “essential” workers during the COVID-19 pandemic, US growers demanded unfettered access to foreign farm labor. After initially announcing a freeze on all immigration processing, the Trump administration bowed to farmers' demands, granting a single exception for agricultural guestworkers under the H-2A visa program. Through a focus on H-2A farmworkers in Georgia, this paper highlights how the pandemic exacerbated farm labor conditions in the US South. The author interrogates these conditions through the lens of racial capitalism, exposing the legacies of plantation political economies and a longstanding agricultural labor system premised on devaluing racialized labor. These histories are obscured by the myth of agricultural exceptionalism—the idea that agriculture is too different and important to be subject to the same rules and regulations as other industries. Agricultural exceptionalism naturalizes the racial capitalist system and informs state responses that privilege agricultural production through the exploitation of farmworkers, remaking “essential” farmworkers as sacrificial labor.  相似文献   

9.
[目的]在农业的发展过程中,以集约化土地种植为主的新型经营主体将极大地促进农业的现代化发展,这是新型的农业经营主体追求效益的最大化的选择性行为,也是政府主导和扶持的新型农民的政策缩影。文章探讨现代农业发展的背景下不同种植规模经营主体对于农业技术服务的需求行为差异和影响因素。[方法]以新疆棉区的1 043户小规模种植农户和683户家庭农场主的调查数据为例,对以家庭农场(种植面积267hm2及以上)为例的新型农业经营主体与传统农户小规模农地对农业技术服务需求行为运用二元Logistic模型进行实证分析。[结果](1)家庭耕地面积是影响家庭农场对农业技术服务需求行为的主要因素; 而文化程度、是否参加农业合作社、村里是否有农业合作社是家庭农场对农业技术服务需求行为的影响程度最大的。(2)而参加农业技术培训次数是影响农户小规模农地对农业技术服务需求行为的主要因素; 是否参加农业技术培训是农户小规模农地对农业技术服务需求行为的影响程度最大的。[结论](1)农业技术服供给机构应根据农户经营种植的耕地面积,对用户进行分类管理。(2)农业技术服务机构应协同基层部门加大对农业技术服务的宣传力度,全面提升种植农户的认知程度。(3)培育新型农业经营主体,为农业技术服务培育不同规模需求的优良农户。  相似文献   

10.
Labor‐saving technologies played a fundamental role historically in the structural transformation of agrarian economies. We focus on an emerging labor‐saving trend in Ghana, use of motorized tricycles (MTs), which provide an affordable alternative to manually transferring crops from plots to homestead. A household survey collected in 2017 in northern Ghana is used to shed light on how the time savings made available by using MTs may be converted into activities that enhance agricultural productivity and/or diversify the household away from agriculture. Detailed information collected on the agricultural production and agro‐processing behavior of 1,400 households allows us to examine the above transformative channels. Ordinary least squares and instrumental variable regressions are applied to quantify the effect of MTs on related outcomes. We find households are able to diversify their farming activities into selling processed agricultural goods with the time savings provided through MT adoption. Policies aimed to foster the diffusion of MTs elsewhere in Ghana may expedite structural change and, hence, economic growth.  相似文献   

11.
Considerable research has focused on understanding how upland farmers adjust land‐based livelihoods to the influences of agrarian change in Southeast Asia. In the process, an ‘upland bias’ has emerged where researchers focus narrowly on the uplands as localities with distinct, coherent features, neglecting how families engage place, social relations and ethnicity as they access opportunities in proximate spaces. This paper considers how the Tagbanua – long considered an upland swidden people – have ‘stepped back’ from swidden agriculture due to declining yields and debt to harvest the lucrative grouper (e.g. Plectropomus leopardus). We show how Tagbanua families on Palawan Island have adjusted swidden as they negotiate social relations, ethnic cleavages and economic barriers to effectively engage the grouper industry. Rather than cast such farmers and fishers as ideal types in place, we argue that how they negotiate social relations creates new livelihood opportunities in varied environments, reinforcing the dynamic, recursive context of agrarian change.  相似文献   

12.
This article discusses three forms of agrarian populism in Thailand: the “grassroots populism” of the Assembly of the Poor, the “reactionary populism” of the yellow shirts, and the “capitalist populism” of the red shirts. We examine how these three strands of populism are embedded within dynamics of agrarian change in Thailand and how the intellectual and activist orientation towards agrarian populism led to the neglect of labour, particularly agricultural migrant workers. We show how key ideological underpinnings of the Assembly's grassroots populism (Brass's “agrarian myth”) could be appropriated for the agrarian component of both reactionary and capitalist populism. Rather than a new populism, we argue that a broad and popular challenge to right-wing authoritarianism should develop inclusive class politics that embrace the rural–urban linkages that already define the social fabric of the new, rural, and agrarian precarious working class.  相似文献   

13.
South African agrarian policy aims to integrate smallholder tree‐crop farmers into high‐end value chains with growth and employment potential, generally neglecting socio‐economic differentiation amongst them. This paper aims to analyse socio‐economic differentiation amongst tree‐crop farmers in Vhembe District, Limpopo, using a class‐based analysis based on livelihood diversification and accumulation. Cluster analysis of survey data and semi‐structured interviews reveals that most tree‐crop farmers engage in petty commodity production, internally differentiated by their combination of income sources and livelihood strategies. Farmers' ability to engage in accumulation and upward class mobility is generally severely constrained by limited access to capital. Agricultural diversification offers livelihood potential but limited possibility for accumulation, whereas salaried nonfarm work offers more promising prospects for accumulation but limited livelihood opportunities. A minority demonstrated characteristics of small‐scale capitalist farmers, internally differentiated by their reliance on salaried employment or agricultural production. The findings challenge the notion of an undifferentiated class of market‐oriented smallholders.  相似文献   

14.
This article, which is published in two parts, is an empirical analysis of the Chilean agrarian reform (1964–1973) and 'partial' counter-agrarian reform (1974–1980). Its aim is to explain and interpret their logic and the changes they brought to Chile's agrarian property regime in particular and Chilean life in general. Chile's agrarian reform was successful in expropriating (under the Frei and Allende administrations, 1964–1973) the great estates of the hacienda landed property system. The capitalist 'partial' counter-reform then redistributed them (under the military, 1974–1980). CORA, the country's agency for agrarian reform, expropriated and subsequently redistributed 5809 estates of almost 10 million hectares, or 59 per cent of Chile's agricultural farmland. A large amount of the expropriated land (41 per cent) benefited 54,000 peasant households with small-sized family farms and house-sites. The rest of the farmland benefited efficient and competitive commercial farmers and agro-business and consolidated medium-sized farms. Of central concern is the role of the agrarian reform and subsequent 'partial' counter-reform processes in fostering the transformation of the erstwhile agrarian structure of the hacienda system toward agrarian capitalism. The redistribution of the agricultural land previously expropriated made possible the formation of an agro-industrial bourgeoisie, small commercial farmers, an open land market and a dynamic agricultural sector. While, however, under military rule, a selected few benefited with family farms and became independent agricultural producers, a large majority of reformed and non-reformed campesinos were torn from the land to become non-propertied proletarians in a rapidly modernizing but highly exclusionary agricultural sector.  相似文献   

15.
This article, which is published in two parts, is an empirical analysis of the Chilean agrarian reform (1964–1973) and 'partial' counter-agrarian reform (1974–1980). Its aim is to explain and interpret their logic and the changes they brought to Chile's agrarian property regime in particular and Chilean life in general. Chile's agrarian reform was successful in expropriating (under the Frei and Allende administrations, 1964–1973) the great estates of the hacienda landed property system. The capitalist 'partial' counter-reform then redistributed it (under the military, 1974–1980). CORA, the country's agency for agrarian reform, expropriated and subsequently redistributed 5809 estates of almost 10 million hectares, or 59 per cent of Chile's agricultural farmland. A large amount of the expropriated land (41 per cent) benefited 54,000 peasant households with small-sized family farms and house-sites. The rest of the farmland benefited efficient and competitive commercial farmers and agro-business and consolidated medium-sized farms. Of central concern is the role of the agrarian reform and subsequent 'partial' counter-reform processes in fostering the transformation of the erstwhile agrarian structure of the hacienda system toward agrarian capitalism. The redistribution of the agricultural land previously expropriated made possible the formation of an agro-industrial bourgeoisie, small commercial farmers, an open land market and a dynamic agricultural sector. While, however, under military rule, a selected few benefited with family farms and became independent agricultural producers, a large majority of reformed and non-reformed campesinos were torn from the land to become non-propertied proletarians in a rapidly modernizing but highly exclusionary agricultural sector.  相似文献   

16.
Marxist agrarian history conceives of medieval mining as a pre‐capitalist and backward economy isolated from all forms of capitalist change. Mining history says otherwise. Evidence confirms that mining labour enjoyed the conditions for an early emancipation from serfdom, rooted in the ascent of a European silver‐based monetary economy from the eleventh century onwards. Feudal lords were caught between Scylla and Charybdis, vulnerable to the rise of free miners and a mining economy that demanded capital outlays. Drawing upon the case study of mining in the feudal principality of Trent, the article briefly sketches the rise of capitalist miners and the conditions that gave them decisive advantages over feudal lords. The article summarizes general arguments and lines of inquiry for opening the field of Marxist agrarian history to the study of mining and extractive economies.  相似文献   

17.
Within neoliberal development discourse, the poor are represented as entrepreneurial subjects for whom integration into formalized financial systems can facilitate their escape from poverty. This paper examines how the 2010 microfinance crisis in Andhra Pradesh reveals significant fault lines that underlie this narrative. It argues that the crisis of microfinance in Andhra Pradesh needs to be placed within the context of severe agrarian dislocations stemming from the impact of trade liberalization, drought cycles and a transformation of rural social relations. The contradictions are most strikingly represented in increasing rural differentiation and a generalized crisis of social reproduction among land‐poor farmers and landless labourers. A massive influx of microfinance – driven by both state‐operated programmes and private‐sector institutions leveraged with cross‐border financial flows – found a ready clientele among various agrarian classes seeking to bolster consumption and roll over debt in conditions of significant uncertainty and distress. Yet in banking on this vulnerability, microfinance institutions socialized the contradictions of rural Andhra Pradesh and have ultimately been thrown into limbo through the unleashing of political and social forces unforeseen in neoliberal narratives of agrarian change.  相似文献   

18.
[目的]在统计描述华北平原农民的机械采纳率和机械采纳方式的基础上,分析农民的机械化需求和农机手的机械服务供给行为及其内在逻辑,从理论和实证两个维度对华北平原地区农业机械技术的特殊实现形式——服务外包做出解释。[方法]运用描述性统计分析和成本收益核算等方法,利用冀豫鲁3省779个农户和45个农机手的实地调研数据分别对农业机械化发展的前提条件和实现方式做出解释。[结果]农业劳动力成本上升与农机购置成本下降,共同刺激了农民的机械技术需求,是华北平原农业机械化快速发展的前提条件;持有农业机械的农民基于理性选择而向其他农民提供农机作业服务,是推动华北平原农业机械化以服务形式实现的主要原因。[结论]相关部门应继续探索高效的农机补贴模式,刺激农民的机械技术需求;农业机械支持政策可适当向农机合作社倾斜,提高农机手的组织化程度和服务数量与质量。  相似文献   

19.
The Movement towards Socialism (MAS) party promised to break with neoliberal politics when it rose to power in Bolivia in 2006. Using the concept of neocollectivism to characterize MAS agrarian politics, this paper examines one of its key instruments for achieving rural development: the state enterprise EMAPA. This state company, which supports small producers, envisions a new agrarian structure of production and commercialization, one that will break the power of the Santa Cruz–based agro‐industrial elite. Drawing on a discussion of the mechanisms of governance employed by this state entity, we argue that new complexities in state–civil society relations and a low state capacity have constrained its ability to shift power relationships between the state and the agro‐industrial elites. Instead of reducing the dependency of small producers on agro‐industrial capital, the Bolivian state has increased it, thereby undermining its goal of redistribution. The paper also analyses different moments of politicization and depoliticization in the intervention process arising from the demand for political change, as well as for technically efficient and profitable agricultural production.  相似文献   

20.
为充分利用供销合作社网络完善武汉市农产品流通供应链体系,文章对供销合作总社近10年来的销售业绩进行提取分析,结果表明:供销社是流通领域中符合体制内运作的重要组织,在农产品流通领域中是解决"买难"、"卖难"的可行性方案,是符合农民利益和提高农民收入的重要路径;创建以供销合作社为核心的农产品交易体系,必将对武汉市的农产品流通具有非常显著的促进作用;供销合作社所占有的市场份额所形成的品牌效应将对农产品流通体系的完善有着直接的正向促进作用。以供销合作社作为研究视角,并提出基于武汉市供销合作社的农产品流通系统需要从建立农产品加工生产专用服务体系、加快供销合作社的农产品流通速度以及合理开发农产品流通电商营销渠道等3个方面入手,减少不必要的生产销售环节的同时,加强各供销合作社的合作规模,以切实建立起便利惠民的农产品流通体系,实现再生产环节中农户经济权益的有效保护。  相似文献   

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